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DA 501.G76B18 

Lord Carteret 

3 1924 028 125 940 







1690— 1763 





jpubHsbcrs ii> ©rbiiinrn to |5tt gtajtstu tbt c^iiEcn 




' Higli above each in genius, lore, and fire, 
"With mind of muscles whicli no toil could tire. 
With lips that seem'd like Homer's gods to quaff 
From nectar-urns the unextinguish'd laugh, 
Frank with the mirth of souls divinely strong, 
Cakteeet's large presence floats from out the throng.' 

Lord Lytton : St. Stephen's, 


The almost complete oblivion -\vliicli covers the career 
of Lord Carteret is one of the curiosities of English 
political and historical literature. Few names were 
better known than his in the political world of his own 
day ; no English statesman of his time had so wide a 
European reputation. Posterity has exacted an ex- 
aggerated revenge ; for no first-rate statesman of the 
modern epoch has failed so completely to secure a 
place in its capricious memory. One still vaguely 
recollects that Dr. Johnson disliked the word Carteret 
Avlien used as a dactyl ; one remembers a few para- 
graphs of Macaulay's characteristic rhetoric, or two 
or three of Horace Walpole's femininely exaggerated 
anecdotes. But Carteret himself and his fifty years of 
pubhc life <nre practical!}' forgotten. With one excep- 
tion, the modern historians of the times in which he 
li\'ed have not cared to make more than mere passing 
and second-hand allusion to him ; and the one excep- 
tion — Carlyle in his Frederick the Great — is concerned 
with only two or three years and one or two incidents 
of Carteret's career. The other writers, when Carteret 
comes in the wav nf their historical narrative, either 


dismiss liim in a few lines of conventionally balanced 
epithets, or sketch a figure so full of distortions and 
contradictions as to be a mere fantastic impossibility. 

It is exceedingly easy to forget many of the men 
who played a political part in England under the first 
two Georges. Wilmington, who was actually Prime 
Minister for a year or so, is now not even the shadow 
of a name. No one wilUngly would remember Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer Sandys, or Bubb Dodington, or 
Sir Thomas Eobinson. Henry Pelham was a respectable 
but uninteresting mediocrity. To his brother the Duke 
of Newcastle an amused posterity has indeed almost 
gratefully granted a unique fame as the most curiously 
ridiculous being who ever took a leading part in public 
affairs, the most foolish as well as the falsest of pohticians, 
the most imbecile even of political Dukes. But it seems 
a pity that Carteret's name should be added to this 
dreary and uninviting list of extinct reputations. For 
Carteret was the most brilliant man of afTah's of his 
time, equally conspicuous for bright genius and for 
homely, practical common-sense. He was an accom- 
plished classical scholar ; an easy master of European 
languages ; completely at home in history, law, litera- 
ture ; the friend of Berkeley, Bentley, Addison, Gay, 
Pope ; the chosen personal though not political friend 
of Swift ; a generous, competent patron of men of 
letters ; full of frankness and ease and good-nature, so 
that even his political enemies could not hate him ; yet 
always dignified and refined and commanding. ' I feel 
a pride,' the Earl of Chatham once said in the House of 
Lords, long after Carteret was dead, ' in declaring that 


to his patronage, to his friendship and instruction I owe 
whatever I am.' Horace Walpole reckoned that in all 
his life he had seen only five great men, and that the 
greatest genius of the five was Carteret. Chesterfield 
was by no means inclined to an indulgent estimate of 
Carteret ; yet in the last days of Carteret's life Chester- 
field Avrote to his son : ' Lord Granville [Carteret] they 
say is dying. When he dies, the ablest head in England 
dies too, take it for all in all.' ' Since Granville Avas 
turned out,' wrote Svaollett in Ilunij/hrey Clinker, ' there 
has been no minister in this nation Avortli the meal that 
whitened his periwig.' To Dr. Johnson doubtless Car- 
teret was one of those vile Whigs of Avhoni the Devil 
was the first ; yet Johnson's recognitions of Carteret are 
generous enough ; while Swift, also removed from Car- 
teret in political opinion, was his intimate personal 
friend, and repeatedly expresses his admiration for his 
character, learning, and genius. Among later A\'riters, 
Carlyle, though always very reserved in his estimates of 
eighteenth-century men, is quite unstinted in his appre- 
ciation of Carteret. He groups him among the Freder- 
icks, the Yoltaires, the Chathams, as one of the not too 
numerous men of his time in Avhom there was ' an 
effective stroke of work, a fine fire of heroic pride ; ' 
and in the impersonal way in which he reveals his own 
opinions, Carlyle speaks of Carteret as ' thought by some 
to be, with the one exception of Lord Chatham, the 
wisest Foreign Secretary we ever had.' Yet the states- 
man who is thus praised by men who do not praise 
lightly is now unremembered ; the very books of re- 
ference are in a conspiracy of silence about him ; and 


the present is the lirst attempt whicli lias been made 
to give any complete ami connected account of his 

It therefore seems desirable to make some sli^L^it 
reference to tlie ('hief printed and manuscript authori- 
ties on whicli the following pages are mainly based. To 
draw up a list which shoidd include the many epheme- 
ral and obsolete productions which have been consulted 
would be absurd. Of special value are the Works of 
Horace Walpole, particularly his Correspondence and 
his Last Ten Years of the Eeign of George II. ; but 
Horace Walpole, especially when he is dealing with 
personal questions, must always be used with care. In 
the Works of Swift, Carteret's intimate friend, there are 
.some few letters from and to Carteret; but most of the 
correspondence between the two men must be either 
imprinted or lost. Carteret is, however, the subject of 
one of Swift's ironically humorous jjamphlets. Arch- 
deacon Coxe's voluminous and chaotic Memoirs of Sir 
Pujbert Walpole and of the Pelhams are absolutely 
valueless from the literary point of view ; but tliey are 
essential to a kncjwledge (jf Carteret's time because of 
the original material to wliich Coxe had access. The 
same distressing writer's Memoirs of Sir Eobert's less- 
known brother Horatio {old Horace as he is generally 
called, to distinguish him from his nephew Horace 
the letter- writer) have some sUght concern with Carteret 
and his fortunes. Lord Shelburne's Autobiography (in 
Loi'd Edniond Fitzmaurice's Life of Shelburne) contains 
some curious and interesting particulars ; and Loid 
Ilervey's Memoirs of the lieign of Geurue II. are of 


course indispensable, though Hervey can seldom spare a 
good W(ird for any opponent of Walpole. Earl Walde- 
grave's Memoirs, the Earl of Marchmont's Diary, and 
the Marchmont Papers are also useful. And fur- 
ther may be mentioned : The Parliamentary History ; 
the Works of Chesterfield ; Sir E. J. Phillimore's Memoirs 
of Lord Lyttelton ; Harris's Life of Lord Chancellor 
Hardwicke ; J. M. Graham's Annals and Correspondence 
of tlie Earls of Stair ; Sheridan's Life of Swift ; the 
Letters of the Irish Primate, Hugh Boulter; and Mrs. 
Delany's Autobiography and Correspondence. 

Of unpublished materials, the Carteret Papers in 
the British Museum are essential for a real knowledg;e 
of Carteret's political life. These Papers consist of 
thirty-four volumes, and are numbered Additional MSS. 
22, 511-22, ■545. They contain Carteret's official corre- 
spondence during the various periods for -which he held 
office between 1719 and 1744. The}- are full on all 
points of his public policy, but have hardly any private 
or personal details. The voluminous set of manuscripts 
known as Coxe's Collections offers a good deal of Avel- 
come assistance, and is specially useful for part of 
the time during which Carteret was Lord-Lieutenant of 
Ireland. The Manuscripts at the Piecord Office supply 
some of the defects of the British Museum Collections 
for this special period. Scattered letters from and to 
Carteret, and letters containing facts and criticisms con- 
cerning him, are to be found in almost countless volumes 
of the Museum's Additional and Egerton Manuscripts. 
Eeferences to the more important of these are given in 
their places ; it is impossible to specify them all. 


It only remains to add that the chief object of the 
present biograpliy is not to throw any fresh hght on the 
general history of the times in which Carteret lived, 
but, so far as it is possible now to do so, to recover 
from a really undeserved forgetfulness some idea of 
Carteret himself, and of a character and a career which 
only a few names in modern English politics exceed in 
interest and in varied attractiveness. 

A. B. 




II. DIPLOMACY (1717-1719) ...... 

III. SECBBTAEY OF STATE (1721-1724) . . . . 





VII. POWER (1742-1744) 


IX. LAST YEARS (1754-1763) .... 










John, Lord Carteret, Earl Granville, was descended 
from two noble and ancient families, each of which had 
on various occasions risen to hicfh distinction in the 
political history of England. The Carterets and the 
Granvilles were both Norman houses ; the towns of 
Granville and Carteret still commemorate their names 
in Normandy. The Carterets, some of them accom- 
panying their Norman duke into England, and all of 
them, in the troubled times that followed, remaining 
faithful to the newly established line of kings in Eng- 
land, gradually lost their Norman possessions on the 
mainland, and settled chiefly in the largest of the 
Channel Islands, almost within sight of their old home. 
They became the commanding family in Jersey, where 
part of their principal seat, the manor house of St. 
Ouen, may still be seen ; and many romantic as well as 
historical tales are told of their life and exploits there. 
Romance, perhaps, has played its accustomed part in 
giving picturesque embeUishment to some of the family 
annals. But the unadorned facts of the Carterets' 



actual history have nothing prosaic about them, iheir 
loyalty was very conspicuous. George m. was not 
using the language of exaggerated comphment when he 
once said of a member of the Carteret house : ' This 
young man belongs to one of the most ancient and 
most loyal families in my dominions.' The never-falsi- 
fied motto of the Carterets was Loyal devoir. They 
kept Jersey out of the hands of Constable Bertrand du 
Guesclin ; and eight Carterets, Eeginald de Carteret 
and his seven sons, were knighted in one day by 
Edward III. for this feat. Over and over again they 
foiled French attempts on the Channel Islands, and 
received many royal recognitions of their bravery and 
loyalty. Queen Elizabeth gave them the island of 
Sark, and the practical governorship of Jersey wa^ 
frequently in their family. One of them was governor 
there when Prynne, who had attacked plays and 
masques in his puritanical Eistrio-niastLC, was im- 
prisoned from 1637 to 1640 in Mont Orgueil Castle, 
one of the two chief fortresses of Jersey. A terribly 
gloomy cell in Mont Orgueil is stiU shown as the apart- 
ment in wliich Prynne was confined ; but the dreariness 
of his imprisonment was considerably lessened by the 
kindness of Sir Philip Carteret and his family, whom 
Prynne is never weary of thanking ' for all your love 
and courtesy.' They often invited him to pass his time 
Avith them, and it seeme that Lady Carteret's irresistible 
goodness occasionally seduced the stern pamphleteer to 
an unpuritanical game of cards. Prynne Avrote, in a 
distressingly unpuetical manner, a metrical description 
of the very picturesque fortress where his confinement 
was tluis pleasantly tempered, and dedicated his won- 
derful rliymes to his ' ever honoured worthy friend Sir 
Philip Carteret,' and to Sir PhUip's wife, Prynne's ' most 


highly honoured, special kind friend, the truly virtuous 
and religious Lady Anne Carteret.' Others of Prynne's 
astonishing metrical productions were dedicated to the 
daughters of his kindly custodians ; one of them to 

Sweet mistress Douce, fair Margaret, 
Prime flower of the house of Carteret. 

General history, however, has dropped from its 
memory the story of the career of the Carterets in the 
Channel Islands ; and the very faint surviving recollec- 
tion even of the name of the family is mainly due to 
two such very dissimilar books as Pepys' Diary and 
Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. Lr these two 
books the name of a Sir George Carteret is of very 
frequent recurrence. This Sir George Carteret, almost 
more royalist than the King, was prominently connected 
with the two unhappy Charleses who were successive 
Stuart sovereigns of England. When the civil war 
broke out, the parliament desired to give to Cartei'et, 
who was controller of the navy, the position of vice- 
admiral. He thought it his duty first to ask the King's 
consent, and Charles, who reckoned his fleet as good as 
lost to him, ordered Carteret to decline. A mistake on 
the King's part, thought Clarendon and many others ; 
for, if Carteret had been permitted to accept the 
appointment, it was commonly believed that he Avould 
have kept the greater part of the fleet true to the Kin"-, 
— ' his interest and reputation in the navy was so great, 
and his dihgence and dexterity in command so emi- 
nent.'^ Carteret retired to his Jersey home to raise 
forces for his master ; and his energetic proceedings 
there and in the Channel so exasperated the parha- 
mentary authorities that in all the fruitless peace 

' ClareudoBS Hift. of the Rebellion, III. 116. Ed, Oxford, ISiO. 

B :: 


actual history have nothing prosaic about them. Their 
loyalty was very conspicuous. George III. Tvas not 
using the language of exaggerated compHment when he 
once said of a member of the Carteret house : ' This 
young man belongs to one of the most ancient and 
most loyal families in my dominions.' The never-falsi- 
fied motto of the Carterets was Loyal devoir. They 
kept Jersey out of the hands of Constable Bertrand du 
Guesclin ; and eight Carterets, Eeginald de Carteret 
and his seven sons, were knighted in one day by 
Edward III. for this feat. Over and over again they 
foiled French attempts on the Channel Islands, and 
received many royal recognitions of their bravery and 
loyalty. Queen Elizabeth gave them the island of 
Sark, and the practical governorship of Jersey was 
frequently in their family. One of them was governor 
there when Prynne, who had attacked plays and 
masques in his puritanical Histrio-rnastix, was im- 
prisoned from 1637 to 1640 in Mont Orgueil Castle, 
one of the two chief fortresses of Jersey. A terriblv 
gloomy cell in llont Orgueil is still shown as the apai't- 
ment in which Prynne was confined ; but the dreariness 
of his imprisonment was considerably lessened by the 
kindness of Sir Philip Carteret and his family, whom 
Prynne is never weary of thanking ■ for all your love 
and courtesy.' They often invited him to pass Ids time 
with them, and it seeme that Lady Carteret's irresistible 
goodness occasionally seduced the stern pamphleteer to 
an unpuritanical game of cards. Prynne wrote, in a 
distressingly unpoetical manner, a metrical description 
of the very picturesque fortress where his confinement 
was thus pleasantly tempered, and dedicated his won- 
derful rhymes to liis ' ever honoured worthy friend, Sir 
Phihp Carteret,' and to Sir PhiHp's wife, Prynne's ■ iiiost 


highly honoured, special kind friend, the truly virtuous 
and religious Lady Anne Carteret.' Others of Prynne's 
astonishing metrical productions were dedicated to the 
daughters of his kindly custodians ; one of them to 

Sweet mistress Douce, fair IMargaret, 
Prime flower of the house of Cai'teret. 

General history, however, has dropped from its 
memory the story of the career of the Carterets in the 
Channel Islands ; and the very faint surviving recollec- 
tion even of the name of the family is mainly due to 
two such very dissimilar books as Pepys' Diary and 
Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. In these two 
books the name of a Sir George Carteret is of very 
frequent recurrence. This Sir George Carteret, almost 
more royalist than the King, was prominently connected 
with the two unhappy Cliarleses who were successive 
Stuart sovereigns of England. When the civil war 
broke out, the parliament desired to give to Carteret, 
who was controller of the navy, the position of vice- 
admiral. He thought it his duty first to ask the King's 
consent, and Charles, who reckoned his fleet as good as 
lost to him, ordered Carteret to decline. A mistake on 
the King's part, thought Clarendon and many others ; 
for, if Carteret had been permitted to accept the 
appointment, it was commonly believed that he would 
have kept the greater part of the fleet true to the King, 
— ' his interest and reputation in the navy was so great, 
and his dihgence and dexterity in command so emi- 
nent.' ^ Carteret retired to his Jersey home to raise 
forces for his master ; and his energetic proceedings 
there and in the Channel so exasperated the parha- 
mentary authorities that in all the fruitless peace 

' Clarendou's Hist, of the Rebellion, III. IIC, Ed, Oxford, 182G. 

B .■! 


negotiations Carteret's name was in the list of tliose 
for whom there could be no pardon. When in April 
1646 the boy Prince of Wales, insecure even in the 
Scilly Islands, wandered as far as Jersey for safety, 
Sir George Carteret gladly entertained him in EUzabeth 
Castle, where Charles, hardly yet sixteen years old, held 
levees and dined in state, proving himself already a 
proficient in the art of obtaining popularity ; for, says 
the old Jersey chronicler, cetoit un prince grandement 
benin. Sir George Carteret got him a pleasure-boat 
from St. Malo, and the Prince spent hours in steering 
about the island-bays, but never venturing beyond 
range of the Castle guns. He stayed more than two 
months in Elizabeth Castle, and before taking leave of 
his host created him a baronet ; having already per- 
sonally confirmed the knighthood which Charles I. had 
only been able to bestow on Carteret by patent. Some 
of the Prince's exceedingly numerous retinue remained 
behind in Jersey when Charles himself left to go to his 
mother in Paris ; among these being the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, Edward Hyde, who stayed in the island 
for two years longer. While Charles had been living 
in the fortress with Sir George Carteret, Hyde's quarters 
had been in the town of St. Helier's, from which at 
high water Elizabeth Castle was entirely cut off. In 
the evenings, when the tide was low, Hyde and the two 
or three English friends who were with him walked 
regularly upon the sands instead of supping, and often 
found their way to the Castle and Sir George Carteret, 
Avho received them always with unbounded kindness. 
When the departure of his fi'iends left the Chancellor 
somewhat sohtary. Sir George Carteret invited Hyde to 
leave the town altogether, and come to him in EHzabeth 
Castle. Hyde gladly agreed, and stayed in the Castle 


for tA¥0 years ; quietly busy, seldom for less than ten 
hours in the day, with his books and his history ; 
amusing himself in spare moments with the cultivation 
of a minute garden of his own creation, and enjoying, 
as he himself used to say, the greatest tranquillity of 
mind imaginable. In his own words, he ' remained 
there, to his wonderful contentment, in the very cheer- 
ful society of Sir George Carteret and his lady, in whose 
house he received all the liberty and entertainment he 
could have expected from his own family ; of which he 
always entertained so just a memory, that there was 
never any intermission or decay of that friendship he 
then made.' ^ 

When Charles I. was executed, Sir George Carteret 
at once proclaimed King Charles II. in the Channel 
Islands, and the new nominal King, greatly perplexed 
where to find a safe refuge, remembered Carteret and 
his former quiet security in Jersey. Accompanied 
this time by his brother, the Duke of York, Charles 
once more arrived in the island in September 1649 ; 
and in that same year made to Carteret one of his too 
facile promises, though in this instance his word was 
very fairly kept. He wrote to Carteret : — 

' I will add this to you under my own hand, that I 
can never forget the good services you have done to my 
father and to me, and if God bless me \jvliich He did 
not] you shall find I do remember them to the advan- 
tage of jou and yours ; and for this you have the word 
of your very loving friend, 

' Chaeles E.' ^ 

This six months' residence with Carteret in Jersey 

1 Clarendon's Life, I. 207-208. Ed. Oxford, 1857. 

2 Brit. Museum, Add. MSS. 27,402 : fol. 124. 


seems to have been one of the pleasanter episodes of 
Charles's futile existence. Carteret managed affairs, 
while the prince-king devoted himself to amusements. 
He yachted round about the island, rambled with dogs 
and guns after wild fowl, enjoying such quiet hospitality 
as the families of the island could offer, and making 
himself very popular among the people by his easy affa- 
bility. Banquets and other entertainments were fre- 
quent at Elizabeth Castle, and Charles spent his time in 
busy idleness, solaced by the talk and ways of his French 
dwarf, and encouraging that mischievous little jester in 
the congenial performance of practical jokes. The only 
royal duty which the islanders exacted from their King 
was to touch them for the king's evil. Before leaving 
in February 16-50, to start on his ten years' wanderings, 
Charles made Sir George Carteret treasurer of his navy ; 
a rather barren honour at that time, for such navy as 
Charles had consisted mainly of the fleet of privateers 
which Carteret himself had got together. But ten 
years later this distinction, and many others, became 
real enough for Carteret. 

If his royal navy was rather phantasmal to Charles, 
Carteret's frigates Avere exceedingly real to Cromwell. 
The Frotector now interfered in earnest, resolved to end 
these spirited royalist proceedings in the Channel 
Islands. In the closing months of 1651 a parliamentary 
army Avas landed in Jersey, and one by one the island 
fortresses were compelled to yield. Still Sir George 
Carteret was undaunted and shut himself up in Eliza- 
betli Castle witli a garrison of 340 men. He hoped that 
of all the royal strongholds in the kingdom Elizabeth 
Castle might be the last to surrender to the Farluiment. 
For three months he was besieged, the enemy makino- 
little or no impression upon him, till they' brouglit 


artillery far more powerful than anything that had yet 
been seen there, and from a neighbouring height poured 
down into the castle what Clarendon calls ' granadoes of 
a vast bigness/ and forced Carteret to submit. His 
httle garrison surrendered in December 1651, but his 
ambition had been realised. He and his men were 
allowed honourable departure, and Carteret set out on 
European travels, to find his way at last to his roaming 
King in Holland. 

The Eestoration ended the wanderings of these two, 
and established Carteret's fortunes. He rode into 
London on Eestoration Day with the King, and honours 
and official appointments were abundantly awarded him. 
Politically the most important of the various posts 
which he held was the Treasurership of the Navy ; 
and thus Pepys, a young subordinate at the Admiralty, 
was brought into very frequent intercourse with Carteret 
and received much personal kindness from him. Many 
pleasant allusions to the Carteret family occur in the 
garrulous gossiping of the Diary. Sir George and 
his wife, who also was his cousin and a Carteret, were 
both very good to the j^oung Clerk of the Acts ; and 
Pepys was not ungrateful, while he also was shrewd 
enough to put a high value on so desirable a 
friendship. ' I find,' Pepys writes of Sir George 
Carteret, ' that he do single me out to join with 
me apart from the rest, which I am much glad of 
Lady Carteret, thought Pepys, was ' the most kind lady 
in the world,' and her daughters' friendly cheerfulness 
often dehghted him and made him ' mighty merry.' 
Enthusiastic Pepys was really sorry when at times his 
most kind lady in the world looked around her with a 
somewhat dejected anxiety, ' and I do comfort her as 
much as I can, for she is a noble ladv.' But things 


were generally bright in that household, and Pepys 
enjoyed its unstinted hospitality. The conversation 
current in the house of one who, like Sir George 
Carteret, after very varied experience of men and 
manners, was now in the centre of Enghsh political hfe, 
Avas also much to Pepys' taste ; and perhaps the Carte- 
rets themselves at times found a passing amusement in 
slightly mystifying the innocent creduhty of their fre- 
quent guest. But this was rare, and Pepys heartily 
congratulated himself on what he thought the really 
extraordinary goodwill and kindness with which the 
influential family treated him. ' Most extraordinary 
people they are,' he wrote, ' to continue friendship 
with, for goodness, virtue, and nobleness, and interest.' 
Pepys too introduces the next in the family line, 
Sir George Carteret's eldest son, Philip ; but is only 
particular over one episode in his career. This Sir 
Philip Carteret had, like his father, fought bravely in 
the Civil War, and had been knighted by Charles IE. 
in Jersey. With all that Pepys had nothing to do ; 
but when Sir Phihp came to be married to the 
daughter of the Earl of Sandwich, the busthng import- 
ance of the diarist was quite in its element. To Sir 
Phihp Carteret the necessary prehminaries of marriage 
were a much more difficult business than fightinij-, and 
he was glad to have Pepys to advise and instruc't him 
in the usual formalities. Pepys found him a very 
modest man, ' of mighty good nature and i:)retty under- 
standing ; ' but he was far readier to give Pepys an 
account of the sea fights with the Dutch than to be con- 
versationally enthusiastic over his omi private prospects. 
But if Sir Phihp was somewhat backward, the other 
members of the two famihes chiefly concerned were 
xtremely interested in the affair. Lady Carteret could 



not do enough for Lady Jemima Montagu. ' But Lord ! ' 
says Pepys, with his usual exclamation, ' to see how 
kind my Lady Carteret is to her! Sends her most 
rich jewels, and provides bedding and things of all 
sorts most richly for her ; which makes my Lady 
[Sandwich] and me out of our wits almost to see the 
kindness she treats us all with, as if they would buy the 
young lady.' Pepys accompanied Sir Phihp Carteret 
on his first formal visit to Lady Jemima, and was 
considerably surprised by his friend's unromantic pro- 
ceedings. ' But Lord ! what silly discourse we had as 
to love-matters, he being the most awkward man ever 
I met with in my life as to that business ! ' Neither 
before nor after supper had the gentleman a word for 
the lady, whom indeed he afterwards told Pepys that he 
liked mightily ; ' but Lord ! in the dullest insipid man- 
ner that ever lover did.' The second day of their visit 
Avas a Sunday, and Sir Philip was to take Lady Jemima 
to church. Pepys Avas minute in his previous instruc- 
tions ; told Sir Philip what compliments he Avas to paj'', 
how he was to lead the lady by the hand, and generally 
make the best use of his happy opportunities. Still the 
terribly timid wooer was not very successful ; but did 
better in the afternoon, when the company considerately 
left the two by themselves, ' and a little pretty daugliter 
of my Lady AVright's most innocently came out after- 
wards, and shut the door to. as if she had done it, poor 
child, by inspiration : which made us without have 
good sport to laugh at.' Before the two days' visit was 
over, Pepys, who was himself distantly connected with 
the Sandwich family, took Lady Jemima apart, and tried 
to discover her feelings. ' She blushed, and hid her face 
awhile ; but at last I forced her to tell me. She an- 
swered that she could readily obey what her father and 


mother had done ; which was all she could say, or I 
expect. So anon took leave, and for London. In our 
way Mr. Carteret did give me mighty thanks for my 
care and pains for him, and is mightily pleased.' Thus 
with the minimum of demonstration, at least before third 
parties, Sir Philip Carteret got a wife, who also seems to 
have been of a pleasant gravity by nature ; and the 
sober and refined merriment of their wedding entertain- 
ment struck Pepys, who was present in his finest clothes, 
as the most delightful thing in the world. 

Sir Phihp Carteret's career was honourably cut short. 
Fighting against the Dutch in Southwold Bay in 1 672, 
he was drowned, along with his father-in-law. He 
might, like many others, have left the ship ; but he 
refused to desert the Earl of Sandwich. Of the short 
life of his eldest son, almost nothing can be told. He 
was born in 1667, and when only fifteen years old 
was made a peer, with the style of Baron Carteret of 
Hawnes, in Bedfordshire. Charles had intended a 
similar honour for Sir George Carteret, but death had 
interfered ; and now this early peerage was granted to 
Sir Philip's son as some acknowledgment of the dis- 
tinguished services of his father and his grandfather. 
But George, this first Lord Carteret, did not live long 
enough to take any part in pubhc affairs or to associate 
his name with history. He died at the age of twenty- 
six, having by his marriage united his family with that 
of the Granvilles, and leaving behind him an eldest son, 
John, the famous English statesman of the eighteenth 

The Granvilles, like the Carterets, were an ancient 
Norman family, and traced their origin, in unbroken 
line of honourable descent, back to Duke EoUo of Nor- 
mandy. Like the Carterets, also, the Granvilles had 


been conspicuous for bravery and patriotism, and had 
written their names on many pages of Enghsh history. 
One of the heroes of their house was the famous Sir 
Eichard Grenville, whose single-handed battle in the 
little Revenge against a Spanish fleet of fifty-three vessels 
was the most wonderful fighting exploit of the Eliza- 
bethan seamen. 'At Flores, in the Azores,' with a little 
squadron of only six or seven ships, Lord Thomas Howard 
and Sir Eichard Grenville found that the Spanish fleet 
was close upon them. Howard, unable to fight, put to 
sea. Grenville, who had many of his Devonshire men 
sick on shore, waited to take them on board, and so was 
left alone, separated from the rest of the small squadron. 
The Spaniards soon surrounded him. From three 
o'clock in the afternoon of the last day of August, 
1-391, till next day's dawn, he fifteen times repulsed the 
whole Spanish fleet : — 

And the sun went down, and the stars came out far over the 
summer sea, 

But never a moment ceased the fight of the one and the fifty- 

Ship after ship, the whole night long, their high-built galleons 

Ship after ship, the whole night long, with her battle thunder 
and flame ; 

Ship after ship, the whole night long, drew back with her dead 
and her shame. 

For some were sunk and many were shatter'd, and so could 
figlit us no more 

God of battles, was ever a battle like this in the world before ? ' 

Grenville fought on, covered with wounds, till the httle 
lieveiKje was a helpless rolling hulk. Eather than yield 
to Spain, he wished to send himself, men, and ship to 

' Tennyson : The lin-enr/e. 


the bottom; but the crew would not, and the one 
English ship struck to the Spanish fifty-three. Gren- 
ville died on board the Spanish fleet three days after 
his wonderful fight ; and his dying words are his best 
memorial: 'Here die I, Eichard Grenville, with a joy- 
ful and quiet mind ; for that I have ended my life as a 
true soldier ought to do, fighting for his country, queen, 
religion and honour : my soul wiUingly departing from 
this body, leaving behind the lasting fame of having 
behaved as every vahant soldier is in duty bound 
to do.' 

Grandson of this far-famed Sir Eichard was the 
almost equally renowned Sir Bevil Granville, whose 
death in the battle of Lansdowne deprived the Eoyalists 
of all rejoicing in their victory. Where, asked exag- 
gerative eulogy on the death of Sir Bevil — 

Where shall the next famed Granville's ashes stand ? 
Thy grandsire's fill the sea, and thine the land. 

Like all his family. Sir Bevil Granville was a devoted 
royalist; and, had he lived, he would have enjoyed 
such honours as his King could have given him. A 
letter of thanks from Charles I. was in Granville's 
pocket when he fell, and with it the patent whicli ap- 
pointed him Earl of Bath. The honour passed to Sir 
Bevil's son, who indeed was loaded with dignities ; being 
by birth Sir John Granville, and by position in the 
peerage the first Earl of Bath, Viscount Lansdowne, and 
Baron Granville. If it had been possible, this Sir John 
Granville would have excelled his father in devotion to 
the cause of the Stuarts. He was commanding in the 
Scilly Islands when he heard of the execution of the 
King. With passionate indignation he immediately 
proclaimed King Charles II., as Sir George Carteret did 


in Jersey. He could not find words hard enough for 
Cromwell and the regicides. He wrote violently from 
Scilly when he heard the astonishing news : — 

' The extraordinary ill news I have heard since my 
being here concerning the horrid murder and treason 
committed on the person of his most sacred majesty 
has transported me with grief ... I hope God will 
revenge it on the heads of the damned authors and con- 
trivers of it. . . .As soon as I was assured of this sad 
truth, and had solemnly paid here our abundant griefs 
in infinite tears, having commanded throughout these 
islands a day of mourning and humihation for our most 
fatal and incomparable loss, I thought it my particular 
duty to proclaim his majesty that now is King.' ^ 

In the negotiations which changed Charles H.'s 
titular majesty into as real a one as so merely titular a 
being as Charles could ever make it. Sir John Granville 
had a prominent part. Through all the details of the 
Eestoration he was deep in the confidence of Charles and 
General Monk. He brought from Breda the royal letter 
of easy promises, easy to make and easy to forget ; and 
he received the public thanks of the House of Commons 
on what naturally, but too deceptively, seemed the 
happiest May-day that England had lately seen. He 
obtained the peerage which death had denied to his 
father, and his sisters were allowed to rank as Earl's 
daughters. Erom children of his there are still liv- 
ing many highly distinguished descendants ; and his 
youngest daughter, Grace, was mother of John Lord 

George, first Lord Carteret, husband of Grace Gran- 
ville, died at an early age in 1695. Their son John was 
born on April 22, 1G90 ; and he thus succeeded to the 

1 Brit. Mus. Egerton MSS. 2,533 ; fnl. 474, v°. 


barony of Carteret when less than five years old. His school 
life was passed at Westminster, a far more famous estab- 
Hshment then than in more recent times. Many of the 
most distinguished Englishmen of the eighteenth century 
had their earUest education at "Westminster. The school 
was especially prohfic in bishops and statesmen. Sprat, 
bishop of Eochester, used to thank God that he was a 
bishop, though he had not been educated at Westminster. 
Many of those who in later life were closely connected 
with Carteret's poUtical fortunes had been boys at the 
same school as himself. Pulteney, who afterwards led 
in the House of Commons the great opposition to Wal- 
pole, of which in the House of Lords Carteret was him- 
self the head ; the Duke of Newcastle, as false as he was 
foolish, whose treachery and imbecihty were equally 
disturbing factors in Carteret's political career ; MuiTay, 
more famous as Lord Mansfield ; Hervey, famous or in- 
famous as ' Sporus ' ; Prior and Atterbury, who touched 
Carteret's life more lightly than these others, were all 
Westminster boys. ' Pray, don't you think Westminster 
School to be the best school in England ? ' bookseller 
Lintot once asked Pope in 1714. 'Most of the late 
Ministry came out of it ; so did many of this Ministry.' 
Bentley, who was to be Carteret's intimate friend, became 
Master of Trinity when Carteret was ten years old ; and 
Bentley says that in the earher years of his mastership 
the Westminster scholars gained the greater mimber of 
the fellowships. In Carteret's school-days the head 
master was Thomas Knipe ; the second master, Avho soon 
himself became the head, was the better known Dr. 
Robert Friend, celebrated chiefly for his skill in classical 
verse. His Sapphics, written on Carteret's youno-er 
brother, a Westminster scholar who died when only 
nineteen, were reckoned the most favourable specimen 


of his workmanship in elegant trifling, and have been 
approved by later authorities. 

The connection of Westminster was specially close 
with Christ Church and with Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Carteret went to Christ Church. Ko details of his 
university life are recoverable ; but it is possible dimly 
to trace his friendship at ' the House ' with Lord Hatton 
and with Edward Harley, only son of Queen Anne's 
statesman. Carteret was at Oxford in 1709, the year 
of the terrible Malplaquet battle ; and it was perhaps in 
the long vacation of that or the following year, when 
Anne dismissed the Whigs, and when Eobert Harley and 
St. John became rival colleagues in power, that he wrote 
from Longleat ' to Mr. Harley at Christ Church in 
Oxford ' :— 

' I now write at a venture, for I am not sure this 
will find you. I can never think that you are got 
privately again to Christ Church whilst the affairs of 
state are in such agitation ; and if you are not, I won't 
advise you to go. I rather could wish that as you 
imitate Apollo in some things, you would also imitate 
his tree : — • 

Paniassia laurus 
Purra sub ingenti matris se svhjicit umbra. 

I need put no comment to enable you to decypher my 
meaning. You'll pardon my making use of so rural an 
image. Sometimes one may compare great thino-s to 
little without diminution.'^ 

There are no details of Carteret's Oxford life ; but 

' Hai'leian MSS. 7,523 ; fol. 173. The only date is August 16. This 
letter is printed in the Gentleman's Mayazine for 1779, p. 283, and the date 
1702 is there added. This is impossible; for in 1732 'Mr. Harley' had for 
eight years heen Earl of Oxford. He had become Lord Harley in 1711 
and the letter must have been -written before that. The right date is pro- 
bably August 16, 1710 ; the year and month of the change of government. 


he evidently did not make liis residence the sinecure 
which his patrician position would have allowed and 
even encouraged. A nobleman at an English university 
in the eighteenth century could practically do what he 
hked, and many liked to do nothing. But Carteret 
must have worked hard. When he was Lord-Lieutenant 
of Lreland, his friend Swift, in a humorous vindication 
of Carteret's political conduct, wrote of him that from 
Oxford, ' with a singularity scarce to be justified, he 
carried away more Greek, Latin, and philosophy, than 
properly became a person of his rank ; indeed much 
more of each than most of those who are forced to Uve 
by their learning will be at the unnecessary pains to 
load their heads with.'^ In a letter to Carteret himself, 
recommending Berkeley, who was about to publish a 
little tract containing his whole scheme of a Hfe ' aca- 
demico-philosophical,' Swift adds in a parenthesis after 
these two words : ' I shall make you remember what 
you were.' No political enemy or anonymous libeller 
ever ventured to dispute Carteret's learning ; and the 
foundation of his lasting delight in the poetry, oratory, 
and philosophy of the great classical authors was firmly 
laid at Oxford. 

From Oxford Carteret seems to have come at once 
to London, and to have been received in the very best 
circles which London in Oueen Anne's days could ofier. 
With Swift, then in London on church business from 
Ireland, Carteret commenced an intimate and hfe-loug 
friendship. Swift himself gives one or two ghmpses of 
this early period of Carteret's London hfe. Gravelv 
continuing his ironical vindication, S\vift has to admit 
that Carteret, on his first a]:)pearavice in the great world 
split upon the rock of learmug. ' For, as soon as he 

' Swifts Wwks, VII, 284. 


came to town, some bishops and clergymen, and other 
persons most eminent for learning and parts, got him 
among them.' From these distinguished friends, how- 
ever, and from London itself, Carteret vanished for a 
little time ; for, young as he was, he at once settled down 
in life, marrying at Longleat on October 17, 1710, Lady 
Frances Worsley, granddaughter of the first Viscount 
Weymouth. Then he returned to town and to politics. 
A few shght references to him in 1711 and 1712 occur 
in Swift's Journal to Stella. Carteret sets down Prior 
in his chariot ; and Prior, who could pun and not be 
ashamed, thanks him for his 'charioty.' Twice Carteret 
dines with the Secretary, St. John, when the very small 
circle of guests was on each occasion entirely selected 
by Swift. Swift himself jestingly expresses his high 
opinion of Carteret, who was still a young man under 
age. ' I will tell you,' writes Swift to Stella, ' a good 
thing I said to my Lord Carteret. " So," says he, " my 

Lord came up to me, and asked me, etc." " No," 

said I, " my Lord never did, nor ever can come up to 

you." We all pun here sometimes.' ^ For Lady Carteret 
also, who was married before she was seventeen. Swift, 
the intimate friend of her mother, had great respect 
and admiration. A curious glimpse of social manners 
in high life in the closing years of Queen Anne's reign 
accidentally introduces Lady Carteret's name. Swift 
was dining with Lady Betty Germaine, and among the 
company were the young Earl of Berkeley and his 
Countess. ' Lady Berkeley after dinner clapped my hat 
on another lady's head, and she in roguery put it upon 

' To Stella, Jan. 4, 1710-11. The best of all puns is connected with 
Cavteret and Swift. When Carteret was Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland, and was 
entertaining once at the Castle, a lady's impetuous mantle overset a Cremona 
fiddlo. Swift repeated to himself Virgil's line : — 

Mantua vae miserae inmitim vicina Crcmonae. 



the rails. I minded them not, but in two minutes they 
called me to the window, and Lady Carteret showed me 
my hat out of her window five doors off, where I was 
forced to walk to it, and pay her and old Lady Wey- 
mouth a visit.' ^ 

Carteret took his seat in the House of Lords on May 
25, 1711, a few weeks after he had attained his majority. 
The previous year had produced a dramatically sudden 
change in the state of English political affairs. From the 
beginning of Anne's reign, and through the years made 
eventful by Marlborough's victories, the fortunes of 
the Whigs were aided by the success of Marlborough's 
career. Marlborough was nominally, as Godolphin was 
really, a Tory ; the first of Queen Anne's parUaments 
had a Tory majority. Yet the Tory ministers found 
themselves gradually looking for their chief support 
to the Whigs. Godolphin and Marlborough practically 
cared little about the differences of the Whig and Tory 
party pohtics of their time. They put one question to 
all political persons : Do you support the war or not ? 
The High Tories frigidly answered, Xo ; the moderate 
Tories did not profess any enthusiasm in the business. 
It was a Whig war, King William's war ; the Tories had 
little rehsh for a war against the chief supporter of the 
House of Stuart. Xaturally the extreme Tories began 
to drop away from the ministry. Those of a milder 
type still supported the Government; and in 1704 Har- 
ley and St. John joined it. But the A^liigs were be- 
coming its main defence. In 1705 Cowper, the finest 
Whig orator in the Commons, was made Lord Chancellor, 
and in 1706 the Whig Sunderland, Carteret's special 
friend, became Secretary of State. But this union of 
real Wliigs and real and nominal Tories did not work 
I Swift to Stella, June 6, 1711. 


very well. Harley's cautiously intriguing nature very 
soon proved dangerous. The Whigs commonly called 
him the Trickster ; he was a master of backstairs cabal- 
ling ; solemn, reserved, and mysterious. He carefully 
worked on tlie one subject which most touched the 
sluggishly feeble nature of the Queen. His measures, 
privately supported by his relation, Abigail Hill, Sarah 
of Marlborough's needy dependant and successful rival, 
confirmed Anne's natural inclination to the Tories by 
convincing her that under the Whigs the Church was 
in danger. Gradually Anne withdrew her confidence 
from her Whig ministers ; and Harley, thinking his 
complete triumph sure, soon allowed himself to intrigue 
and manoeuvre with very little attempt at concealment. 
But an accident for a short time interrupted his plans. 
In spite of his solemn seriousness and assumption of 
mysterious profundity, he was incredibly careless in the 
performance of business, and managed his office so 
negligently that unscrupulous clerks found an opportu- 
nity of conveying secret information to the enemy. No 
crime of this sort was proved against Harley personally ; 
but Marlborough and Godolphin refused any longer to 
act with him. Early in 1708 he Avas thus forced to 
resign, and St. John resigned with him, being succeeded 
as Secretary at War by his life-long opponent Walpole. 
The general election of 1708 gave again a large Whig 
majority, and the fortunes of the party seemed firmly 

But a dramatic change soon followed. Towards the 
close of 1709, Sacheverell, an extremely insignificant 
High Church clergyman, preached two foolishly ultra- 
Tory sermons, and, borrowing a nickname from Ben 
Jonson's famous play, alluded to Godolphin as Yol- 
pone. Sacheverell was an unimportant, ignorant man, 

c 2 


whose fatal stupidity was probably at times amusing ; 
though it is hardly worth while to read his obsolete dis- 
courses for the sole satisfaction of finding the simile 
'Like parallel lines meeting in a common centre.' To 
have treated him and his noisy Jacobitism with in- 
different contempt would have been the wiser way ; but 
Godolphin was irritated by the nickname, and in oppo- 
sition to prudent advice resolved to prosecute him. 
Sacheverell was convicted ; but the very light sentence 
was reckoned as his practical victory, and a strong Tory 
reaction followed the ill-advised trial. An impetus 
was thus given to the desires and plans of the Queen, 
Harley, and Mrs. Masham. Anne dismissed Sunderland, 
and, though the Whigs remained for some months in 
office, they were no longer in power. In August 1710 
the Government fell ; Harley and St. John became the 
leaders of the new Tory administration ; and the general 
election of the same year gave to the Tory party an 
ascendency as complete as it was ephemeral. 

The new Government seemed to have a very firm 
seat in power when Carteret entered the House of Lords 
in May 1711. Carteret might naturally have been ex- 
pected to join the Tories. His not very remote ancestors 
had been almost passionate in their Stuart loyalty. He 
had himself just come from the Tory and Jacobitical 
influences of Christ Church and Oxford. His relative 
George GranvUle, Lord Lansdown — Pope's ' Granville 
the polite ' — was extreme in his devotion to the Tories, 
and was actually Secretary at War in the neAv Govern- 
ment. Swift was Carteret's personal friend, and was 
definitely rehnquishing the Whigs ; and friendship with 
Swift had led to at least some intimacy with St. John. 
But Carteret throughout his career never allowed pohti- 
cal considerations to interfere with his private friendships, 


and he was not now inclined to the Tory party because 
he was privately intimate with the Tory leaders. He 
did not perhaps at the very first definitely attach him- 
self to either of the pohtical parties. On some questions 
of minor importance he seems to have voted with the 
Court. But on the one domestic question of overpo^Yer- 
ing interest in the closing years of Queen Anne's reign, 
the question of the Protestant succession, Carteret un- 
hesitatingly took his place among the Wliigs. 

The Whig party, when Carteret entered parliament, 
was divided, though the dividing-line did not appear 
very distinctly till George I. was on the throne. One 
Whig section was then clearly seen to be headed by 
Sunderland and Stanhope; another, by Walpole and his 
brother-in-law, Townshend. The rivalries of these four 
leaders were destined to end in open quarrels and 
political changes ; but in 1711, when the Tories were 
in overwhelming force, the Whigs could not very well 
afford to quarrel among themselves. The more ad- 
vanced and enhghtened section was that to which Stan- 
hope and Sunderland belonged, and these were the two 
statesmen with whom Carteret, in his earher pohtical 
career, was most closely connected. Charles, Earl of 
Sunderland, had proved the decisive triumph of the 
Whig element in the Government by his appointment 
as Secretary of State in 1706 ; and he was the first of 
the Whigs whom Anne, after Sacheverell's trial, ven- 
tured to dismiss. A man of strong temper and restlessly 
vehement, he was considered in those days as being 
even violent in Whiggism. Lord Shelburne wrote of 
him : — 

' Lord Sunderland was not only the most intriguing, 
but the most passionate man of his time. . . . Lord 
Holland, speaking of those times, said he once asked 


Sir Eobert Walpole why lie never came to an under- 
standing -with Lord Sunderland. He answered, "You 
little know Lord Sunderland. If I had so much as 
hinted at it, his temper was so violent, that he would 
have done his best to throw me out of the window." ' ^ 

Stanhope's early reputation had been made in war, 
the capture of Minorca in 1708 being his most notable 
performance. He had no special fitness for parhamen- 
tary management. The eager boldness which charac- 
terised him on the military side became, when applied 
to parhamentary afiairs, a passionate impetuosity not 
too safely suitable even for quiet times, and in every 
way dangerous in the sudden storms of politics. He 
was brave and incorrupt ; his knoAvledge of foreign 
afiairs was large ; but his chief distinction with posterity 
rests on his advocacy of religious toleration. Here he 
was much in advance of his time. He brought about 
the repeal of the educational persecution known as the 
Schism Act ; he would have Hked, if he could, to have 
modified the Test and Corporation Acts, and to have 
offered some tolerance to Eoman Cathohcs and Dissenters. 
That proved impossible, but the fault was not Stan- 

Stanhope and Sunderland were leaders in the cause 
of the House of Hanover and the Protestant Succession. 
On this matter Carteret fully shared their views, and 
his first parhamentary Avork was concerned with this 
much and angrily debated subject. Li the last years 
of Anne's reign, the pohtical arrangement which had 
been devised to secure the succession of a Protestant 
sovereign seemed in considerable danger. In tlie 
very year in which Carteret took his seat, a Jacobite 

1 Shelburne's Autobiography; Lord E. Fitzmaurice's &helburne T 
34-35. ' ' 


agent wrote that if the Pretender would only land 
with 10,000 men, not a sword would be drawn against 
him. The Eoman Catholics, the landowners, the High 
Churchmen were to a large extent Jacobite. Anne her- 
self was more than suspected of no particular devotion 
to the Act of Settlement and its favoured Hanoverians. 
With hardly an exception, the leading statesmen of 
her reign had been or were intriguers, or at least corre- 
spondents, with St. Germains. On St. John, most of all, 
Jacobite hopes were now confidently inclining to rest ; 
St. John, who from the very formation of the Tory 
ministry had been in eager rivalry with Harley, and as 
Anne's reign drew towards its close was clearly getting 
the better of him. It does not seem open to doubt 
that if the Pretender could only have renounced his 
Catholic religion, the immense majority of the people 
would have declared for his succession. The ministry of 
course insisted that there was no danger ; parhament 
and the Government, in wearisomely repeated debates, 
asserted their attachment to the Protestant cause ; but 
there was a great air of unreahty and insincerity about 
these formal periodical proceedings. One moment the 
House of Commons declared its devotion to the Hano- 
verian family ; the next, it ordered Sacheverell to preach 
before it on Eestoration Day. Eoyal speeches made the 
most satisfactory professions ; but royal manners and 
actions did not care to correspond too closely with the 
royal words. When in 171.^ the House of Lords, a far 
more liberal assembly than the House of Commons, 
wished Anne to urge friendly governments altogether to 
discountenance the Pretender, the Queen, not altogether 
untruly, but not at all reassuringly, replied that the 
best way to secure the Protestant succession would be 
to cease from animosities at home. The Lords were 


told in language of conventional politeness to mind their 
own afiairs. In such quarrelsome and contradictory cir- 
cumstances, the general excitement increased daUy ; for 
the question was highly interesting then, though it is 
extremely dull now. Steele in 1713 produced the Crisis, 
a now unreadable pamphlet, in support of the House 
of Hanover. Swift anonymously replied in his Public 
Spirit of the Whigs, and severely attacked the Scotch 
Union, which was reckoned a great security against 
the schemes of the Jacobites. When the new parha- 
ment met in March 1714, the addresses of both Houses 
expressed entire confidence that the Protestant cause 
was not in the slightest danger ; and having thus satis- 
fied the demands of formahty, parhament settled down 
to furious debates on the subject. The Lords attacked 
Swift for his pamphlet against the Whigs ; the Commons 
kept the balance even by falhng foul of Steele and ex- 
pelling him from the House. 

In 1714. in one of the numberless debates on this 
interminable question, Carteret definitely took his place 
with the Whigs. He was in the minority, for the Lords 
at last voted that the Protestant succession was in no 
danger; but the majority was only twelve, the exact 
number of the batch of recently created Tory peers, 
whom Wharton on their appearance in the House un- 
kindly asked if they meant to vote by their foreman. 
The victory of the Government was a very poor one, 
and the attack of the opposition was soon renewed. 
Oxford put his hand on his heart and protested Ids 
devotion to the Protestant cause ; but the general feehncr 
Avas so strong that Wharton barbarously proposed to offer 
a reward for the apprehension of the Pretender ahve or 
dead. This encouragement to murder was indeed re- 
jected ; one peer, while protesting his affection to the 


House of Hanover, declining to venture damnation for 
them. The milder and reasonable proposal that a 
reward should be offered for the arrest of James II. 
if he should land or attempt to land in Great Britain 
or Ireland was supported by Carteret. Anne at first 
refused her consent, but the Government found itself 
forced to yield, and issued the proclamation. 

The angry debating and real danger were ended 
in a dramatically sudden way. Three weeks after 
Anne had prorogued this parliament, she died, in 
August 1714, her illness aggravated by the bitter dis- 
putes between her two rival ministers. Bolingbroke 
had already triumphed so far as to obtain the dismissal 
of Oxford, and was planning a cabinet of his own which 
would really have been a Jacobite one ; but the Queen's 
sudden death ruined all his plots. Two days before 
she died, Anne appointed the Duke of Shrewsbury to 
Oxford's vacant place, and the whole tendency of poli- 
tical affairs was silently but decisively reversed. The 
all-powerful Bolingbroke, bantered by the amused 
malice of fortune, was almost insultingly hurried out of 
office, and all despatches addressed to him passed into the 
novice hands of Addison. Not a Tory or Jacobite was 
ready to move, and the Whigs quietly entered upon a 
period of political power which lasted uninterruptedly 
for almost half a century. 

With the new reign came distinctions for Carteret. 
Before tlie coronation of George I. he was appointed 
one of the lords of the bedchamber ; in 1715 his mother 
was created Viscountess Carteret and Countess Granville 
in her own right, with limitation of these honours to 
lier son ; and in 1716 Carteret was made Lord- Lieutenant 
of Devonshire, one of the western counties with which 
the Granville family had been much connected. In the 


troubled year of 1715 Carteret, a young man of twenty- 
five, was in the West, doing all he could in support of 
the new Hanoverian estabhshment. While the Jacobite 
rebelhon was at its height in the North, Carteret was 
writing from Stowe to Eobethon, French secretary of 
George I : — 

' I am now two hundred long miles from you, situated 
on a cliff overlooking the sea, and every tide have fresh 
prospects in viewing ships coming home. In this corner 
of the earth have I received your letter, and without 
that I should have heard nothing since I came. 

' Most of the neighbouring gentlemen have been with 
me, and I am satisfied that the king will have no reason 
to expect any disturbance from the west. I did not 
think there was so good a company amongst [them]. 
I will do all I can to improve their thoughts of the 
ministry, and discountenance all the little seeds of 
faction that have been sown here.'^ 

Carteret's first parhamentary work had been in 
support of the legal Hanoverian claim to the English 
throne, and his first parhamentary distinction was 
gained in defence of the newly established line. Though 
George had been received in England with a languidly 
peaceful indifference, a good deal of disturbance and 
discontent was early evidence of a dangerous temper in 
various parts of the country. Serious outbreaks had 
led to the passing of the Eiot Act, and a rebellion had 
broken out in Scotland and England. ]^Iany of the 
Tories were Jacobites, and the Tories who were not 
Jacobites were discontented, for they were totally 
excluded from the Government. In these rather dis- 
quieting circumstances, and in accordance ^-ith the 
Triennial Act, a general election was nearly due. Eiots 

1 Sept. 25, 1715. Brit. Mus. Sloane MSS. 4,107 ; fol. 171 y. 


and confusion were even in untroubled times a matter 
of course ; but on the present occasion tliere was the 
further fear of the election of an increased number of 
Jacobites. Eather than risk a general election, and 
probably weaken the new and not very popular estab- 
lishment, the ministry resolved to repeal the Triennial 

Though the matter chiefly affected the House of 
Commons, the Bill was introduced in the Lords. Every 
one knew the real reason for the repeal, but formahty 
required that ministerial speakers should indulge in 
much declamation against the ruinous expense and 
shameful corruption and dangerous party passions 
which were the inevitable attendants of the frequent 
general elections throughout the country. Carteret 
supported the measure, and this first reported fragment 
of a speech of his is interesting as showing that at the 
very beginning of his career his attention was already 
directed to foreign affairs and European pohtics. He 
mainly urged that the increase in the average duration 
of each English parliament would strengthen the hands 
of the King and the Government in their deahngs with 
the statesmen of Europe. The sudden changes pro- 
duced by very frequent general elections perplexed 
foreign countries, and relatively weakened England in 
her foreign pohcy ; for continental statesmen did not 
care to show more complaisance than was necessary to 
ministers whose hold on power was exposed to such 
frequent and capricious interruptions. Carteret's point 
was an important one ; though the fine old Enghsh 
feeling of satisfaction with everything that is English, 
and of condescending indifference to the pursuits and 
proceedings of mere foreigners, of course found a rather 
confused expression in demands to know why English- 


men and English ministers should pay any attention 
to the convenience of European statesmen. The Sep- 
tennial Bill, however, was carried easily enough, and 
the question does not in itself require any consideration 
in an account of Carteret's life ; but the fact that 
Carteret's first recorded parhamentary utterance con- 
cerned itself with the foreign politics of England and of 
Europe gives an artistic symmetry and singleness to the 
story of his pohtical career. Eor throughout his very 
varied public life this was the one question which in- 
terested him most. It formed the argument of this first 
youthful speech, and it was the subject of the last 
recorded words which he uttered on his death-bed. 




DuEiNG the first half of the eighteenth century the great 
Whig party in England was divided into two main sec- 
tions, definable, with sufficient accuracy, as Whigs in 
place, and Whigs out of place. In the earlier years of 
the reign of George I. one of these rival sections was 
headed by Walpole and Townshend, the other by Stan- 
hope and Sunderland. The four statesmen had all, on 
the accession of the King, been fellow-members of the 
same united Whig Government ; Townshend, practically 
Prime Minister ; Stanhope, chief director of foreign 
affairs ; Walpole, Paymaster ; and Sunderland, consider- 
ably to his own disgust, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. 
But this union, never very cordial, did not last long. 
Differences and disputes were increased by underhand 
caballing and unedifying intriguing, and Walpole and 
Townshend fell. Their colleague-rivals came into un- 
divided power, and by them admission into official life 
was gladly offered to Lord Carteret. 

The schism between the four ministers had reached 
its crisis over the question of foreign politics. The 
position of George on his accession was not a reassuring 
one. European enemies were many ; allies few and 
unsatisfactory. France had recognised George as King, 
and was perfectly willing to recognise his rival. Spain 


was a mere province of France. The German Emperor, 
Charles YI., had been full of irritated contempt for 
England ever since Harley and St. John had made their 
Treaty of Utrecht, and had astonished him by refusing 
to fight for his Spanish succession any longer. Peter 
of Eussia was sulkily jealous, for George stood in the 
way of certain Eussian schemes in Germany. Charles 
XII. of Sweden, though his country was now in a 
disastrous condition, and he himself an exile in Turkey, 
was enraged Avhen he heard that George was joining 
the alliance against him, and preparing to take posses- 
sion of Bremen and Yerden. To balance all this 
opposition of Kings, and Czars, and Emperors, England 
could only boast of the friendship of the States-General, 
and, in a fitful sort of way, of the attachment of the 
King's son-in-law, Frederick Y^illi am of Prussia. Xeither 
of these alliances was very satisfactory. Holland was 
now very different from the Holland of Cromwell's time ; 
the value of its alhance, even when the Dutch slucrgish 

^ Co 

officialism could be got to act practically at all, was 
painfully slight, as Carteret himself in later years more 
than once experienced to his cost. And assistance 
procurable from Prussia was mainly of the shadowy, 
problematic kind ; its King quite new on his oa\ti 
throne, and his famous army still a thing of the future, 
even if the domestic relations of the Eno-lish and 
Prussian sovereigns had not generally been acrid 
enough. For England the European outlook was de- 
cidedly gloomy, and George had many troubles of his 
own to vex and bewilder him. His new kingdom had 
not the slightest enthusiasm or admiration for him • his 
desirable Bremen and Yerden, bought as the cheapest 
of bargains from the ruins of the empire of Charles 
XII., hung very loosely and undecidedly to him, and 


his Hanover, which seems to have been his singular 
synonym for heaven, lay open to the attacks of enraged 
Swedes or intriguing Eussians. His condition was 

In such circumstances, the question of making a 
real ally of France, of detaching France from the party 
of the Pretender, soon seemed one of much importance 
to George. The state of affairs in France at the time 
offered fortunate encouragement to this rather starthng 
change in English diplomacy. Louis XIV. had died a 
year after the accession of the English King. The Duke 
of Orleans was regent ; if his ward, the delicate child 
Louis XV., should die, Orleans himself, according to 
the Treaty of Utrecht, would be King ; for though 
the Spanish King was a nearer Bourbon in blood, 
that treaty forbade one sovereign to wear together the 
crowns of Spain and of France. Yet in spite of the 
renunciation which he had duly made, Philip V. of 
Spain, inspired by Alberoni, might attempt to secure 
the French throne, and make no more of his pledged 
word than Louis XIV. had done before him. Such a 
claim, if made, would lead to war ; to the Eegent, 
therefore, an alliance with England was a question of 
direct material advantage. The two countries being 
thus personally interested, England and France began 
to draw together. A quite new line of European policy 
was opened up, and George, chiefly from Hanoverian 
anxieties, became eager to conclude a definite engage- 
ment without loss of time. 

The negotiations were troublesome and tedious. 
Commenced at Paris by the ambassador Lord Stair 
(best remembered now as English commander at the 
battle of Dettingen, if there was any commander at all 
in that singular engagement), they were continued at 


the Hague by Horatio Walpole, Sir Eobert's younger 
diplomatic brother. For the union was not to be be- 
tween England and France alone ; Holland was to be 
included ; if there was strong desire to secure a new 
ally, there was no wish to offend or alarm an old one. 
Horatio Walpole gave his word to the States-General 
that no treaty should be made without them, and he 
quite sincerely meant it. But as Marlborough had 
found in the days of Queen Anne, and as Carteret, and 
Stair, and Chesterfield were to find in the days of 
George H., the Dutch were very slow and exceedingly 
formal. George became very impatient. Let the 
treaty with France get signed at once, he earnestly 
urged ; let the Dutch come in to it when they like, 
whenever their slow formality is ready. Dubois him- 
self tlierefore took the affair in hand ; the Limousin 
apothecary's son, who had risen so high Ijy base, brutish 
methods. He went to the Hague, pretending to be 
merely bu}ing pictures and rare books in which a dis- 
solute abbe, of some culture, might decently affect in- 
terest. From the Hague to Hanover, under mysterious 
incognito, though all the English newspapers knew of it, 
and there in August 1716, after the due diplomatic 
wranghng and haggling. Stanhope and he came to 
terms ; England renewing her assurance of support to 
the French Eegent, and France promising to dismiss the 
Stuart Pretender beyond the Alps. 

George had thus secured his desired French alliance, 
though without the concurrence of the Dutch as yet ; but 
he had involved himself in ministerial disputes at home. 
It Avas mainly this French treaty and the negotiations 
Avhich accompanied it that brought the rival parties 
in the AVhig government to a decisive rupture. 

The King, who had shown no particular hurrv to 


come to England when its crown became his, showed a 
very particular hurry to get back to his German home 
again as soon as he possibly could. Accompanied by 
Secretary Stanhope, and leaving Walpole and Towns- 
hend to manage affairs in England, he went to Hanover 
in the summer of 1716, while this French treaty was 
still in the doubtful hands of diplomacy ; and to Han- 
over soon wandered Lord Sunderland in a more or less 
discontented condition. He had received royal per- 
mission to leave England on the plea of ill-health, and 
had gone to Aix-la-Chapelle to drink the Avaters there. 
From Aix he easily found his way to Hanover. The 
two ministers in London knew perfectly weU that their 
colleague was inclined to intrigue against them ; they 
seriously suspected that nothing but the hurry of the 
royal escape to Hanover had hindered a decisive minis- 
terial change already. Sunderland had, of course, pro- 
tested. ' Lord Sunderland,' writes Lady Cowper, ' took 
leave of Lord Townshend with a thousand protestations 
that he would do nothing to hurt any of them, and that 
his main intention in going was to persuade the King 
to come back soon.' ^ Walpole seems partly to have 
beheved these protestations ; but Sunderland was only 
veiling falsehood under formality. He was exceedingly 
discontented ; dissatisfied that he was merely Lord- 
Lieutenant of Ireland and not Secretary of State ; dis- 
gusted with the superiority of Townshend and the as- 
cendency of Walpole. At Hanover, therefore, he found 
his passionate pleasure in strengthening the King's sus- 
picions of the leading ministers in England. 

These suspicions in the King's dull though honest 
mind rested chiefly on the seemingly unnecessary slow- 
ness in signing the treaty with France. Townshend, 

' Ladv Cm\^ev's Diary, 1l'4-1i'5. 



remembering the formal promise to the Dutch, was 
cautious. Horatio Walpole, whose private word was 
emphatically pledged, felt that he could not honourably 
sign the agreement which Stanhope and Dubois had 
made. After many pressing entreaties on each side, he 
was allowed to extricate himself from the negotiation 
altogether, and returned to London. There he found 
things in the greatest confusion. Letters had come 
from the King, from Stanhope, from Sunderland, full of 
reproaches against Walpole and Town.shend, charging 
them with needless sloAvness, with opposing the King's 
continental policy, and with favouring the party of the 
Prince of ^^ales, who was Eegent in England and on 
the usual bad terms with his father. ' It is a family,' 
said Carteret on another occasion, ' that has quaiTelled 
from generation to generation, and always wiU quarrel.' 
George was disgusted that his son was Eegent at all, 
and was annoyed with the ministers w^ho had compelled 
him to consent. All these causes of pique and dis- 
content were carefully cherished and anxiously mao-ni- 
fied by the Hanoverian ministers and favourites who 
naturally enough surrounded the King. A hungry, 
slightly vulgar crew, these Germans looked upon 
the good things of England as plunder providentially 
suppHed lor persons of mere Hmited Hanoverian Avays 
and means : and ATalpole and Townshend, Avho took a 
different %-iew of the subject, stood in their Avay with 
annoying effectiveness. Of Bothmar, one of the chief 
of these objectionable foreigners, ToAvnshend said that 
he had eveiy day some infamous project or other on 
foot for getting money. Eobethon, another of them, 
whom Swilt in one of h\> political tracts calls ■ a verv 
inconsiderable French vagrant,' wa- pubhcly spoken U 
liy Walpole in the House of Commr.n'- as a mean fellow 


an impertinent busybody ; and the Government took it 
as a matter of conrse that he would do them all the 
harm he could. Bernsdorf, as interested and corrupt 
as any, seems to have been considerably a fool in addi- 
tion ; a mischievous, stupid old creature, poldng about 
with solemn stupidity in whatever dirt offered the pos- 
sibility of an acceptable shilhng ; puzzling in negotiations 
' with the adroitness of a cow,' said Secretary Craggs, 
who was always uncomplimentary to the bovine Hano- 
verian. To one of these grasping vagrants, detected in 
some mendacity in the King's presence, Walpole once 
exclaimed, in the only dialect in which he could commu- 
nicate with Germans, Mentiris impudentissinie : You are 
a most impudent liar ; but George only laughed. All 
these vulgar, hungry persons were working with the im- 
placability of disappointed greed, upon the King's annoy- 
ance witli Walpole and Townshend, and the rapacious 
German women who reigned in a queenless court were 
equally bitter against the ministers who excluded them 
from the glory and the profit of the English peerage. 
The discontents and misrepresentations grew so unbear- 
able that Townshend resolved to resign when the King 
returned, and Walpole spoke of his brother-in-law and 
himself as chained to the oar and toiling like slaves. 

It was almost in despair that the two statesmen 
decided to send Horatio AValpole to Hanover, that tliey 
might have at least one friend in the crowd of schemei's 
who surrounded the King. For the moment, Walpole's 
presence seemed to interrupt the intrigues. Stanhope 
reasserted his protestations of attachment to the minis- 
ters in England ; the King regretted that he himself 
had formed misconceptions, and, after receiving from 
Townshend a justification of his conduct, declared that 
his confidence was restored. Thinking that now all was 


well, Horatio Walpole returned to England to^vards the 
close of 1716 ; but his arrival in London ^^vas almost 
instantly followed by a despatch from Stanhope, an- 
nouncing that Townshend w&=i dismis-ed from his office 
of Secretaiy of State. "Walpole, never afraid of using 
frank language, remonstrated earnestly with Stanhope, 
and said in his plain, direct way that all tliose who had 
spread reports against his brother-in-law and himself 
Avere ' confounded liars from the beginning to the end.' 
Expostulation was useless. Even the Lord-Lieutenancv 
of Ireland, Avhich Townshend had accepted after first 
indignantly refusing it, was, early in 1717. taken from 
him. Walpole immediately threw up his own emplov- 
ment, and Stanhope and Sunderland rose to unrestricted 

Carteret himself had no share in this pohtical 
quarrel ; but the two statesmen who thus gained un- 
divided influence were his willing introducers into tlie 
high places of diplomacy and politics. Stanhope made 
him ambassador to Sweden in 1719 ; Sunderland made 
him Secretary of State in the early months of 1721. 

It was noticed with considerable disgust that the 
first foreign complication which entangled England 
under George I. was the direct result of the Hanoverian 
connection. Eor twenty years, ever since 1697 and the 
accession of the boy-king Charles XII. to the throne of 
Sweden, all the north of Europe had been in a -tate 
of confused quarrel. The nortliern ruler-, Auwu^t the 
Strong, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, Frederick 
IV. of Denmark, and tlie Czar Peter, anxious to tear 
back from Sweden the pos.e^sion-^ gained by Gu^tavu^ 
Adolphus and the Thirty Years' Var. thou^/ht their 
opportunity had come when the new Swedi^li Kincr was 
little more than a child ; and they were filled°with 


alarmed astonishment when the opportunity proved to 
be the young King's, and not theirs at all. Hurrying 
from victory to victory, Charles would not listen to 
anxious proposals for peace, and the war dragged on 
till the battle of Pultowa sent him, a fugitive, to 
Turkey. Doggedly and uselessly he spent five years 
at Bender or Demotica, while the northern allies were 
busily attacking his possessions in Germany. Frederick 
William of Prussia joined the league and took firm 
possession of Stettin ; while Denmark, by occupying 
Bremen and Verden, was indirectly drawing England 
into the quarrel. Suddenly in the dead of a November 
night of 1714, Charles, who had ridden through Europe 
in disguise, appeared all covered with snow at the gates 
of Stralsund, his own town in Pomerania. Frederick 
of Denmark, alarmed for the Swedish territories which 
he had gained, and anxiously afraid that Charles might 
be too much for him after all, sacrificed some of his 
conquests that he might make quite sure of the others, 
and sold Bremen and Verden, on the cheapest of terms, 
to George as Elector of Hanover. Thus England, too, 
was drawn into the coalition against Sweden, and an 
English squadron, under Admiral Norris, sailed to the 
Baltic to protect what interests England might have 
there. With prompt retaliation, Charles, exasperated 
Avith the Elector who was also a King, joined the councils 
of the Jacobites, and a probable Swedish invasion of 
England became a serious political consideration. 

Sweden by herself, in her very broken condition, 
need not have caused England very great anxiety ; but 
the unscrupulously adventurouspolicy of anew Swedish 
minister made her proceedings too formidable for con- 
tempt. This minister was Baron Gortz, a Franconian, 
who had entered the service of Charles XII. ' A man 


of no high birth,' said Carteret of him in the House of 
Lords many years after, ' nor any supereminent quali- 
ties ; yet by his cunning he got such a power over his 
master that nothing was done without him ; no post, 
civil or military, was bestowed but according to his 
direction.' The policy of Gortz aimed at a reconcile- 
ment between Sweden and Eussia, and reckoned confi- 
dently that Spanish money would then support the 
union of Charles and the Czar with the Jacobites. Peter 
and Charles were both poor monarchs ; but they had a 
rich friend eagerly ready to help them in Alberoni, the 
Italian working-gardener's son, once servant to a parish 
clerk, now practically King of Spain. Gortz, abundantly 
supplied with Alberoni's gold, began to work his Jaco- 
bite plots in Sweden, in Holland, and in England itself ; 
but he could not keep his doings secret from the Eng- 
li'ih ministers, whose instant activit}' quickly sent the 
schemer and his schemes together to irrecoverable ruin. 
In January 1717 the Government took the strong step 
of arresting the Swedish ambassador to England, and 
gave no heed to the shocked and sorrowful anger of Spain 
at so frightful an incident in international deportment. 
The ambassador's letters and papers sufficiently revealed 
a Swedish-Jacobite plot, of which Carteret afterwards 
discovered the full details in Sweden. Gortz also, 
hitherto unknown in England, was arrested bv Eno-- 
land's ally, Holland, and an Enghsh fleet appeared in 
the Sound. In close succession followed two fatal blows, 
which cut short the plans and plots of Charles and 
Alberoni in a very decisive manner. On the 10th of 
August, 1718, Admiral Byng destroyed the Spanish fleet 
in the roads of Messina, and England sliortly afterwards 
declared war against Spain ; and a second, far severer 
blow to the Spanisli Cardinal was the death of Charles 


XII., near the close of the same year. The pohtical 
condition of the North was at once completely changed. 
The projected reconciliation between Eussia and 
Sweden was laid aside ; Gortz was tried and executed ; 
and, not very much later, his fantastic scheme finally 
vanished in the sudden and complete disgrace of 

Before this last event had taken place, Carteret and 
diplomacy had appeared conspicuously on tlie scene. 
The new young Queen of Sweden, Ulrique Eleanora, 
Charles's younger sister, was very anxious for peace with 
England. To exhausted Sweden, impoverished in men 
and money, and menaced on all sides by the fleets and 
armies of four hostile powers, peace and friendship with 
one at least of them was almost a necessary condition of 
existence. That it should be England vsdth which jjeace 
should first be made was the notion and wish of Ulrique 
and George alike ; first with England, and then England 
would willingly offer her general mediation to obtain for 
Sweden the best possible terms from her three remaining 
enemies. The diplomatic task would be complicated, 
perhaps difficult ; Carteret found it far more difficult 
than he had imagined ; but it was the plan which seemed 
best and most likely to succeed. It was entrusted to 
Carteret. His political abilities had already excited 
attention ; and now in the early months of 1719 his 
friend Stanhope, the chief manager of foreign affairs, 
appointed him ambassador extraordinary and minister 
plenipotentiary to the Queen of Sweden. 

When tlie parliamentary session ended, and the 
early summer came round (parliament generally meet- 
ing in January or February and ending in April or May, 
in those days), the King and Stanhope left for Hanover, 


and Carteret in June sailed for Sweden.^ A fortnight 
afterwards he landed at Gothenburg, thence to make 
his way as speedily as possible overland to Stockholm. 
Every day was precious to Sweden in its disastrous con- 
dition, and Carteret personally was always prompt and 
indefatigable in public business. A week, he hoped, 
would take him from Gothenburg to Stockholm, though 
he was slightly disappointed in that. There were un- 
usually great difEculties in travelling in Xorwaj^ and 
Sweden at the time ; a hostile Danish fleet saihng to 
Norway, a Swedish army marching to meet it, and in 
such circumstances few horses to be procured except 
for military purposes. In spite of his anxiety to hurry 
on, Carteret was detained three days at Gothenburg, and 
could not in any way find horses till the governor of 
the town had requisitioned the peasants to bring them 
in. It was July 11 before he reached Stockholm, accom- 
panied by a young Swedish nobleman whom the Queen 
had sent to attend him. 

Queen Ulrique very gladly and kindly, as she well 
might, received the English plenipotentiary, appointed 
ministers to come to terras with him, and cheerfully saw 
the peace negotiations begun. Her husband, too. the 
Prince of Hessen-Cassel, showed Carteret great favour, 
and a strong personal liking arose among all three. 
These and other private friendships made in Sweden 
were personally pleasant enough, but the negotiations 
were capricious and intricate. Carteret had four dis- 

' Everything that i* contained in tbe rest of this chapter is based upon 
Carteret's own unprinted despatches from ^Stockholm and elsewlieie to the 
ministers in London. The story of the embassy, so far as it cnncerns Carteret 
himself, has never before been told ; and even on the strictly impersonal 
political side, the events of 171ti and 1720 are passed over very 'lightly in the' 
freneral histories of that period. Carteret's despatches are in Brit Mus Add 
MSS. 22,-511 -i'i',.5U. " ■'•^"'^- 


tinct pieces of Avork to bring, if possible, to a successful 
issue ; and there was a fifth, to which also he was to 
lend a helping hand. Sweden's peace was to be made 
with England, with Prussia, with Eussia, and with Den- 
mark ; and, as a preliminary to all this, peace was also 
to be made with George as Elector of Hanover, and the 
tiresome business of Breu:en and Verden to be so settled. 
George's own Hanoverian minister, Bassewitz, was already 
at Stockholm, working at this last arrangement, and had 
made considerable progress in it when Carteret arrived. 
But Carteret saw at once that there could be no satis- 
factory settlement except on one preliminary condition. 
The most pressing want of Sweden was effectual assist- 
ance against the Czar, who was keeping the whole 
country in constant dread of invasion and destruction. 
If no help came, Sweden -would be simpl}- compelled to 
make peace with Peter on his own terms. There was 
a Swedish party whirl i desired this; though the more 
influential leaders were in favour of the agreement with 
England. But if England gave no sign of practical as 
well as of diplomatic good-will, this jjatriotic party might 
be unable to prevail. Sir John Norris and his fleet 
were anchored at the Skaw. Coidd they not come 
nearer to Stockholm ? Carteret, who saw that tliis 
would be the best of all possible aids to his negotiations, 
himself anxiously desired it. He had been less than 
a week at Stockholm when this question of the fleet 
became the one point on which all turned. News 
suddenly arrived that the Czar's troops were embarking, 
designing to land close by Stockholm. The Swedish 
negotiators hurried to Carteret. Nothing now, they 
urged, could save them but the Enghsh fleet. In the 
name of the Queen and Prince, let Norris come ; and 
within eight days George's treaty as Elector should be 


settled as satisfactorily as he could wisli. And George's 
interests as King of Great Britain? asked Carteret, 
requiring the Queen's own word for satisfactory per- 
formances. The Queen readily gave it, and Carteret 
undertook to write to the admiral as soon as the pre- 
liminary promises were formally fulfilled. ' The alarm 
changes every thing in our favour,' he wrote to his 
friend Secretary Craggs ; ' I shall make all the use of it 
I can, and if the fleet sails, I believe we shall do oiir 
business with honour.' 

Diplomatic matters were thus pleasantly hurried, and 
negotiations became very active. Bassewitz's prehminary 
treaty, by Avdiich Bremen and Yerden were formally 
handed over to the Elector of Hanover, Avas signed and 
ratified ; and on the very same day (July 22, 1719) 
Carteret, though only with great difficulty, obtained the 
Swedish signatures to a preliminary convention with 
George as King of England. Xever, says Carteret, were 
people more unwiUing to set their hands to a paper 
than were the Swedes to sign this preliminary treaty. 
It was the hope of the fleet, and that alone, which 
carried the day ; for Carteret on liis side promised 
to Avrite by express urging Xorris to advance. He 
waited only till the Swedish senate should ratify this 
convention which the Swedish negotiators had accepted ; 
the letter then sliould go to Xorris at once. 

Yet Carteret was still harassed by further difiiculty 
and delay. The Secretary of State soon came to him, 
bringing, Carteret supposed, the desired ratification ; 
but it proved to be otherwise. The plenipotentiaries 
were already frightened at what they had done. They 
now asserted that Carteret's terms had been too hard on 
tliem ; that his promises were too vague ; that the 
Senate would never ratify such an agreement. The 


Secretary argued with Carteret for three hours, and, not 
making any impression, declared that tlie whole thing 
must be looked upon as broken off. Carteret Avas not 
the man easily to agree to that. Late at night, at his 
request, the plenipotentiaries were summoned to meet 
him again. They were very emphatic ; the states, they 
said, would pull them to pieces for such a treaty as they 
had signed, and any ratification of it was impossible. 
Carteret simply refused to accept another agreement 
which they had prepared for him ; but in order that 
the failure of the negotiation might not in any degree 
rest upon himself, he patiently sat down to draw up a 
third paper which might be sufficiently acceptable to 
the Swedes. It was a hopeless attempt, and at three 
o'clock in the morning the negotiators separated, no 
agreement having been concluded. Carteret, however, 
would not even yet despair. He told the statesmen that 
he would not go to bed, but would wait for them three 
hours more. If no ratification was obtainable by six 
o'clock, he would go clown from Stockholm to the army, 
to see whether the Prince approved these proceedings 
of Swedish diplomacy. 

Six o'clock came, but no ratification ; and Carteret 
indefatigably started on a six hours' journey to find 
Queen Ulrique's husband in his quarters Avith the army. 
His business there Avas successfully accomplished, the 
Prince and the Field-marshal (avIio AA^as a^.so one of the 
leading SAvedish statesmen) giving him a letter Avhich 
might materially assist him if the temper of the nego- 
tiators should be still the same. Late in the evening 
Carteret returned to Stockholm ; the bright Hghts which 
he saw as he rode that hot July night from the camp 
to the capital were the fires Avith Avhich the Czar and 
his Muscovites were burnin<j; the islands on the SAvedish 


coast. ' He Ijurns all upon the islands, and takes the 
men prisoners. I saw his fires as I came back,' writes 
Cai-teret, who, however, did not stop to look at them, 
for his negotiation had become more pressing than ever. 
While he himself had been with the Prince that after- 
noon, the Czar's minister had been actually in the 
Swedisli camp with propositions of peace from Eus&ia. 
Here was news likely to make the more patriotic 
S^vedish statesmen less obstinate in their deaHn^rs with 
England ; for if the English negotiation failed, Sweden, 
in her almost defenceless condition, would be forced to 
accept what terms it might please Eussia to offer. In 
these circumstances, without the slightest loss of time 
(though Carteret must have been very weary), a new 
agreement was devised to the contentment of each side, 
and Carteret very gladly got his ratification safe at last 
— so near, as he said himself, had he been losing all in 
the very port. At midnight that same night, the affair 
being now happily settled, Carteret wrote to Xorris 
urging him, if his instructions were sufficient, to join 
with his fleet the Swedish ships in the Baltic, and com- 
plete the dehverance of Sweden. 

But the days passed on, and Xorris did not come. 
As Carteret had partly conjectured, Xorris would not 
venture to take so decisive a step without express 
orders from the King, and Stanhope had already written 
to the admiral that the King Avas resolved to send no 
further instructions till he knew that the negotiation 
in Sweden had been successful. Carteret's situation, 
therefore, became very difiicult. It was only the 
promise of the fleet that had gained the much-de-ired 
bi;j nature, and after all there wa- not the shghtest sicrn 
of the fleet's arrival. The Swedish Senate, which does 
not impress one as having been an unusually wise 


assembly, began to turn again to thoughts of peace 
with Eussia. The Queen anxiously implored Carteret's 
presence at the palace of Carleberg, where the Senate 
was ; and as he walked in the royal gardens with the 
Prince there, senators were sent out to converse with 
him, eager to know if anything might still be hoped for 
from Admiral Norris. Carteret gave tliem the best 
hopes he could, but all his assertions must have seemed 
far too problematical ; for that same day, early in 
August 1719, the Senate decided for peace with the 
Czar on what terms he pleased. Slightly ashamed of 
their tame resolution, and abashed by the courage of 
the Queen (true sister of Charles XTI.), they did indeed 
next day venture to mention that some conditions on 
their side would be necessary ; but their vacillating 
conduct was endangering all the negotiations, and 
throwing everything loose again. If only the fleet 
would come ! longed Carteret, and he eagerly awaited a 
reply to the despatches which he sent to Stanhope at 
Hanover. ' The moment a courier arrives,' he writes 
to Stanhope, ' my house is full of senators, inquirincj 
about the fleet ; ' and Carteret had to listen, with un- 
complaining patience, to their exceedingly unpleasant 
remarks. He himself could do nothing but wait and 
hope, really sorry for the actual condition of Sweden, 
and for the worse things that would come upon it if 
the Czar should be able to impose his own terms of 
peace. Sweden ' as yet does not feel all her wounds.' 
Carteret rather eloquently wrote ; ' they are -warm. 
The late King put a spirit and a courage, and left a 
motion in this nation which is not yet expired, but it 
abates daily, and will soon cease.' 

Carteret's situation was sufficiently unpleasant, yet 
just at this point his difficulties were suddenly and 


seriously increased. While he had been busy at Stock- 
holm, Georrre and Stanhope at Hanover had been 
carrying on negotiations witli Frederick William of 
Prussia, anxious to induce him to accept English 
mediation, and so secure his peace with Sweden. Stan- 
hope had succeeded, though much plagued by the 
usual self-interested interference of the sordid Hano- 
verians, and he now despatched instructions to Carteret 
informing him that a fair acceptance by Sweden of 
Prussia's reasonable terms must be the essential con- 
dition of any English reconciliation with Sweden. 
George's own arrangement with Sweden as Elector of 
Hanover was already practically safe, and with infinite 
difficulty Carteret had brought the settlement between 
England and Sweden into a fair way of success ; but 
here was likely to be a fatal blow to the whole negotia- 
tion which had painfully advanced so far. Carteret 
hastened to the Prince, who was very cold and dis- 
appointed when he heard the news ; but Carteret, 
speaking with frank sincerity, told him that he Avas 
positively ordered to break ofi" his negotiation altogether 
if this point were not granted. The Prince at length 
was personally gained over to consent by Carteret's 
arguments and frankness, but he declared that it was 
hopeless to fancy that the Senate would ever accept 
such a plan. In no case whatever would there be the 
shghtest chance of success for any such scheme without 
the actual junction of the English and Swedish fleets, 
and the guarantee by England that Sweden should re- 
cover Eevel and Livonia from the Czar. 

Having succeeded so far with tlie Prince, Carteret 
had next to deal with the Swedi'^h plenipotentiaries. 
The cessions which Frederick Wilham required from 
Sweden were principally Stettin and its dependent 


towns, which were included in that part of Pomerania 
obtained by Sweden at the end of the Thirty Years' 
War, though Brandenburg had had long previous legal 
claims on them. By joining the alliance against 
Charles XII,, Frederick WiUiam had made himself 
master of Stettin and Stralsund. He surrendered all 
claims on Stralsund, but Stettin he was resolved to 
keep, and the English Government supported him. 
When Carteret informed the Swedish statesmen of the 
Prussian and English requirements, he found them 
perfectly firm. England, they said, must absolutely 
guarantee the recovery of Revel and Livonia, or the 
cessions to Prussia would not be listened to for a mo- 
ment. It was in vain that Carteret, with his usual 
recognition of realities, urged upon the Swedes that in 
no case could they ever regain the possessions which 
Frederick William now held ; that it would be better for 
them to accept the friendly mediation of England and 
to grant Prussia's moderate demands, than to break off 
the whole negotiation, and possibly throw Frederick 
Wilham into the arms of the Czar. Arguments were 
useless ; neither side would give way, and Carteret, 
looking upon the case as desperate, gave up all hope 
of success. But he met the negotiators once more, 
and this time an exceedingly fortunate incident secured 
what diplomacy seemed unable to reach. On August 
30, 1719, Carteret writes from Stockholm to Stanhope 
at Hanover : — 

' Yesterday we met again. Tlie whole matter was 
talked over in the same terms. They told me the 
Senate would never consent to it ; and just as I was 
leaving them, giving all for gone, I had the good luck 
to receive a letter from Sir John Norris, so prudently 
and discreetly writ, that I could show it them ; in 


whicti he said, he waited only for the first fair wind to 
come to Hanoe. Tliis prevailed infinitely more than 
anything I could say ; turned the balance in my favour. 
They immediately, while I stayed in the Chancery, 
went and communicated that letter to the Senate. 
Count Sparre, who had all along opposed this matter, 
said I had acted frankly and honourably ; that he saw, 
by the letter of the admiral, that the Eng of Great 
Britain and his ministers were in earnest ; therefore he 
would not be ashamed to change his opinion, and be 
for concluding the treaty with me, if I would admit of 
some alterations. The plenipotentiaries returned, and 
told me the Senate was inclined to advise the Queen to 
conclude A\'ith me, making some amendments, which 
they would acquaint me with the next day.' 

Here Avas the negotiation rescued from the fire 
once more ; the proposed alterations were agreed to, 
and the fleet was coming, not to stop at Hanoe, but 
to sail on to Stockholm itself. Carteret, in bis usual 
generous way. ignoring las own hard work and per- 
sistent energy, gave to Xorris the credit for w^hatever 
might be the consequent success, reserving only for 
himself the blame of possible mistakes and misadven- 
tures. The third of his five pieijes of work, Sweden s 
peace with Prussia, was thus successfully started ; and 
on September 1, 1719, he gladly wrote to Xorris on 
the news of his approach : — 

'I received your letters of the loth and 17th 
[August 20 and 28, X.S.j about eleven o'clock tJiis 
night, with inexpressible joy and ■satisfaction. I went 
immediately to Court ; but her Maje-^ty was abed. I 
called up his royal highness, wlio received the new^ 
with the utmo-t pleasure ; and to liira I delivered your 
letter to the Queen. . . . You have now a verv 


glorious scene of action open to you, in which you 
will show to the whole world what the English nation 
can do. 'Tis the honestest cause that ever man was 
engaged in. The great business is to intercept the 
Czar, that he may not get to Eevel. Cut off his re- 
treat, and we are sure of him. I am afraid those two 
frigates that hovered about our fleet will have carried 
him advice of your dispositions to sail, and he will run 
away. [This turned out to be the case.] There is not an 
honest man in Sweden that would not now lay down 
his life for our King. I must do the good Queen the 
justice to say, that she always trusted to the King's 
word, and has shown a certain courage and greatness 
of soul in her distress, which is hardly to be met with 
out of this country and our own. God bless you. Sir 
John Norris. All honest and good men will give you 
just applause. Many persons will envy you ; but no- 
body will dare say a word against you.' 
Carteret adds in a postscript : — - 
' 1 now thank God that I have prevented their 
making peace with the Czar. It lay heavy upon my 
conscience, whilst I saw their misery, and heard of no 
succours coming.' 

Queen and Prince, too, were very glad and grateful. 
' Mon ami ! ' said the . Prince to Carteret, ' ne me re- 
gairlez pas comme prince, mais comne gentilhonime et 
officier anglais.' The actual arrival of the fleet, and 
the splendid entertainments given on board by the 
admiral, increased the good feeling. Carteret was per- 
sonally much relieved, for his situation had been very 
embarrassing. He speaks of it in a note to Secretary 
Craggs in September : — 

' No public minister was ever, for a month together, 
upon so bad, nor upon so dangerous a situation as I 



have been. The common people looked upon me as 
the author of their misery, by preventing the peace 
with the Czar, while no succours came. . . . How- 
ever, I still went on in the same strain, and have 
worked through with some success ; so that at present 
no ambassador was ever upon a better footing in a 
country than I am. I hope not to stay long ; though 
the Court, when I hint at going, are in concern. I say 
I will return in spring, if the King will let me, with 
the fleet. I don't doubt but you will continue to me 
your friendship ; for I shall be, dear Craggs, yours for 

So high was the reputation of England in Sweden 
at this particular moment, that Carteret thought he 
might hopefully venture upon the fourth part of his 
work : the arrangement of peace between Sweden and 
Denmark. From the very first, this had seemed likely 
to be the most difficult of all his tasks. More than 
against all the other enemies that had attacked them, 
the feehngs of the Swedes were bitter against tlie 
Danes. When Carteret, soon after his arrival, had 
hinted at some cessions to Denmark, the Swedish nego- 
tiators had flamed out at once, declaring that they 
would rather give everything to the Czar than anything 
to Denmark. Eligen and Stralsund were already in 
possession of the Danes ; but when Carteret alluded to 
the Danish retention of those places, and peace between 
Sweden and Denmark on such terms, the. Prince desired 
him, as a personal friend, never more to mention such 
a thing to him. The animosity against the Danes was 
almost incredible, wrote Carteret ; and he had felt 
obliged to be mainly silent on that point ; all the more, 
perhaps, because it was the Danes who, by the bait of 
Bremen and Verden, had drawn George and England 


into the quarrel. But now when England was high in 
favour — for on the first news of the approach of JSTorris 
the Czar had withdrawn his fleet and galleys — Carteret 
thought he might venture to reopen the question. 
He began by offering the King's mediation to obtain for 
Sweden peace with Denmark, and was glad, perhaps 
a little surprised, to find that accepted. He even pre- 
vailed on Sweden, though with difficulty, to agree to 
a cessation of arms for six months. After all the re- 
pulses he had met with in this delicate affair, this 
seemed to Carteret a fair and hopeful beginning ; it 
might be possible to get actual peace agreed to before 
the six months were out. But Carteret knew that the 
question of Eiigen and Stralsund would be an almost 
insuperable difficulty ; it would be the hardest thing 
possible to persuade Denmark to restore what it had 
conquered from Sweden. That the question had been 
actually opened was the most hopeful thing that could 
yet be said about it ; its settlement would be at least 
a matter of time ; and meanwhile Carteret, who had 
now four separate negotiations on hand at once, was 
very anxious to get some of them definitely decided, 
and removed beyond the reach of often-threatening 

Of George's treaty as Elector of Hanover, the main 
point, the transfer of Bremen and Yerden, was already 
completely settled. Only some little, trifling disputes, 
in which George's Hanoverian ministers, greatly to 
Carteret's disgust, were constantly interfering, still re- 
mained open. These German ministers, with their 
miserable little chicanery and the interrupting pettiness 
of their letters to Bassewitz, were a mere nuisance and 
hindrance. Ever since the negotiations had begun, 
their trickery and knavery had been meddling and 

TT 2 


thwarting ; and their continued interference, in such 
comphcated circumstances, was becoming dangerous. 
On some of 'the endless little diplomatic diiferences they 
sent orders to Bassemtz to answer dilatorie ; ' for which 
I don't know an Enghsh word.' writes Carteret sarcas- 
tically. • What can a minister do under such orders ? 
These people desire a plain and positive answer.' Berns- 
dorf, one of the chief of these heavy Hanoverian func- 
tionaries, ventured, not kno"\ving his man, to ser:d some 
of what Carteret called liis 'trifling stuff' to Carteret 
himself. ' I regarded that advice,' C arteret wrote to 
Stanliope, ' as an honest man should do, vdih great 
contempt.' If the treaty had been in Carteret's pro- 
\ince, he plainly says that he would have ventured to 
sign and accept it at once. As it was, he could do 
httle more than stand aside and disdainfully wait till 
rapacious Hanoverians unwillingly concluded that the 
field of possible plunder was exhausted. When even 
Hanoverian hopes found it useless to struggle for a 
single sliilling more, the treaty was at last absolutely 
signed on Xovember 20, 1719, and so one at least of 
the diplomatic arrangements was made as safe as such 
things commonly are. 

So far the ground was cleared ; the Electoral rub- 
bish was out of the way, and room was made for roval 
negotiations. Carteret now took up his character of 
ambassador extraordinary ; and though, in considera- 
tion of the suffering condition of Sweden, his audience 
was private, he had yet, as his good friend^ the Queen 
and Prince assured him, made the best pM->ible entry, 
for he had approached the Queen with a friendly fleet. 
Carteret at once earnestly turned to the completion of 
Sweden's treaties of peace with England and with 
Prussia. He was quite wiUing to let these two treaties 


run hand in hand, if Prussia would act harmoniously 
in such an arrangement ; and at first it seemed that 
Prussia would do so. When the Prussian minister, 
Cnyphausen, arrived at Stockholm in October 1719, 
Carteret had worked so well and successfully that the 
final treaty was really ready for signature. Cnyphau- 
sen, though privately he had very extensive views, 
showed himself quite inclined to act on the basis which 
Carteret had prepared for him, and there were hopes 
that all would soon be finished. Difiiculties did not 
seem at all insurmountable. Cnyphausen himself pre- 
sented a project of arrangement ; the Swedish ministers 
on their side did the same ; and out of these two plans 
Carteret, assisted by the French minister Campredon, 
formed a third, apparently to the satisfaction of all 
parties. Two or three meetings would be sufiicient, 
thought Carteret, to finish matters ; and he kept back 
his own treaty with Sweden out of consideration for 
the King of Prussia. 

Things had gone so well and so far, that before the 
end of 1719 Carteret was able to assure the Queen that 
the arrangement was practically ready. But suddenly 
Cnyphausen declared that he could not stand to his agree- 
ment. Contrary to his promise to Carteret and to Cam- 
predon, Cnyphausen had sent home to Berlin the project 
which the Swedish ministers had presented to him. The 
French and the English ministers had both assured him 
that this proposed plan should be altered entirely to 
his satisfaction, and that what he found objectionable 
in it was entirely due to the very roundabout manner 
in which Sweden performed its official business. Yet 
Cnyphausen sent it home, and the King of Pi-ussia was 
thrown into one of his fits of petidant bad temper. A 
' little start of passion,' Carteret called it, and was 


greatly perplexed by it. Cnyphausen would not sign, 
and it seemed that the negotiation must be lost. Early 
in January 1720, Carteret wrote to the English minister 
"Whitworth, at Berlin, unfolding his perplexities : — 

' I know but one way that is to be taken, in which I 
see great hazards and difficulties too ; which is for me 
to accept the treaty, as we have settled it, signed by the 
plenipotentiaries, and finish my own. If I finish my own 
without the King of Prussia's, his treaty is lost. If I 
don't finish mine, the Queen and Prince and our friends 
will have strange difficulties in the Assembly of the 
States, which will certainly bring new difficulties upon 
the King our master's treaty already signed. If !Mr. 
Cm'phausen will sign the treaty, I am sure the States 
Avill approve every step that has been taken. If they 
have not my treaty to be laid before them, they will 
approve none. What can I do "t 'lis in vain to ask. 
The States assemble in fifteen days, before which time I 
can have no answer from anybody. I would give a 
good sum of money out of my own pocket to be well 
out of these circumstances. I don't care for bold strokes, 
and yet I have lived by nothing else here. Since I 
must venture, I will do that which is honestest. finish 
my treaty, and keep my word to the Queen and Prince, 
who win suffer extremely (especially the Prince, to whom 
our master has great obhgatious) if I don"t keep my 
Avord. This is what I can best answer to myself; and I 
hope everybody, especially our master and his ministers, 
wiU hkewise think it the wisest thing I can do in these 
difficult circumstances, since it is the honestest.' 

Carteret, who had thought aU his risks were over, 
thu.^ found himself in as intricate a case as ever. The 
Enghsh treaty must be signed before the meetino- of the 
Estates, or there would be endless fault-finding and re- 


proaclies from the Assembly. The Prussian treaty, if 
not signed at the same time, would be referred to a 
Congress, which was planned to meet (though happily 
it never did) at Brunswick, and possibly would be lost 
altogether. In such circumstances, Carteret thought 
that it would be his wisest, though somewhat venture- 
some, plan to accept on his own responsibility the 
Prussian treaty as it stood, though only Swedish, and no 
Prussian, signatures were attached to it, and so to give 
Frederick William at least the chance of finally accept- 
ing or rejecting it as he pleased. Cnyphausen, personally, 
had no real fault to find with the treaty, though his 
hands were so vexatiously tied up ; and privately he 
acknowledged that Carteret could not do otherAvise than 
he proposed. On the first day of February 1720 Car- 
teret accordingly signed the two treaties ; his own com- 
plete in all points ; the King of Prussia's still unfixed, 
and to be restored by Carteret to the Swedes as cancelled, 
if Frederick William should not ratify it within six 
weeks. England undertook to subsidise Sweden so long 
as the Northern war might last, and to assist her against 
Eussia by the presence of an English fleet in the Baltic. 
The pith of the Prussian treaty was the surrender of 
Stettin and its dependent towns by Sweden, while 
Prussia, in its turn, agreed to pay a sum of two 
million florins. A curious little instance of Frederick 
William's economics came out in the course of the 
negotiations. He stipulated that the waggons and 
horses which brought the Prussian money should be 
precisely paid for. ' So minute a particular,' wrote 
Carteret, ' has hardly ever been inserted in a treaty to 
be made between two crowns.' 

The day after the signing of these two treaties, the 
Swedish session began. Carteret wrote home an account 


of the opening, at which he was present. The fornaal 
ministerial speakers were followed by the spokesmen 
for the different orders ; one each for the nobihty, the 
clergy, and the burghers : — 

' And then the Peasant, who was chosen speaker by 
that Estate, who did very well, and made a compliment 
to the Prince for the care he had taken last campaign 
in the defence of the country. . . . Every one of the 
Estates sat apart in divisions prepared for them. They 
were in number not above six hundred. They were near 
two thousand together the last year. There are fifteen 
hundred famihes of the nobihty. The chief of the 
family only sits in the House, and they give their 
proxies as we do. There is not one in ten of them 
that has not served his country as a soldier.' 

Much to Carteret's satisfaction, there were soon 
signs that Frederick WiUiam would accept the treaty 
for which Carteret had laboured so hard. Well within 
the prescribed six weeks the ratification arrived, and 
Carteret's bold move had turned out perfectly successful. 
After further diplomatic formahties, the ratifications 
were exchanged and the thing ended, a fact which 
Carteret after all the interminable proceedings declared 
he could hardly have believed had he not seen it with 
his own eyes. On March 20, 1720, heralds proclaimed 
in the streets of Stockholm that peace was made between 
Sweden, Hanover, and Prussia. ' It was the new queen 
of Sweden, L'lrique Eleanora (Charles's younger sister, 
wedded to the young Landgraf of Hesseu-Cassel), — much 
aided by an Enghsli Envoy, — who made this peace with 
Friedrich AVilhelm. A young English envoy, called 
Lord Carteret, was very helpful in tliis matter ; one of 
his first feats in the diplomatic world.' ^ 

' C'urlyle's Frederick, Book IV., Chap. Yl. 


So three of the five pieces of work which Carteret 
had come to do were successfully finished. A fourth, 
the reconciliation between Sweden and Eussia, he never 
had the chance of attempting, for the Czar had at once 
refused the mediation which Carteret in England's name 
had offered him. The fifth, the peace with Denmark, 
the most wearisome and obstinate of all, had been 
languidly dragging on its shghtly tiresome existence 
during these slow months of Prussian negotiating. 
Carteret had managed in October 1719 to arrange a 
six months' armistice between Denmark and Sweden, 
but that was practically about all that had been accom- 
plished. The Danes had taken Malstrand, and claimed 
to keep it. Eugen and Stralsund they also held, handed 
over to them by Frederick William, who had captured 
them. These too the Danes would keep, or, on lowest 
terms, Sweden should give an equivalent in land else- 
where for their restoration. And they had possession 
of Sleswick, from which they had driven Charles the 
Twelfth's friend, the Duke of Holstein. Further the 
Danes demanded that Sweden should resign a long- 
enjoyed privilege, and should pay toll for her ships that 
passed the Sound as other nations did. Such were 
Denmark's chief requirements, and they seemed to 
Sweden altogether intolerable. Exorbitant and absurd 
demands, Carteret called them ; and for a considerable 
time he saw small likelihood of a satisfactory arrange- 
ment. Sweden might possibly surrender Sleswick, 
might consent to pay toll at the Sound, and might even 
offer money to make Eugen and Stralsund her own again, 
but little more than that seemed practicable. Yet the 
Danish Court was very obstinate, thinking it had but to 
insist strongly and could not fail to obtain ; and though 
Lord Pohvarth (afterwards Earl of Marchmont, English 


ambassador at Copenhagen while Carteret was m 
Sweden) was able in some degree to reduce the Danish 
demands, the prospects of a settlement were not en- 
couraging. ' I shall do my best to bring all to a happy- 
conclusion,' wrote Carteret to Stanhope in the course of 
these Danish negotiations, ' and though I foresee great 
difficulties in the way, I have gone through worse and 
will not despair.' Months however passed on, and even 
Carteret began seriously to think of leaving Sweden and 
wasting no more time on what appeared a hopeless 

A sHght impulse was given to the languid proceed- 
ings by the appointment of a Danish minister to treat 
at the Swedish Court. Carteret worked most indefatig- 
ably noAv, to obtain, before the Danish negotiator should 
arrive, a definite and final settlement of what Sweden 
would and would not grant, hoping that the Danes too 
would draw up their plan in a similarly serious spirit. 
With great difficulty he persuaded Sweden to grant one 
pressing demand of Denmark, and to pay toll at the 
Sound. Sweden also consented that France and 
England should decide the fate of Sleswiek, and that 
the Danes might reckon MaLtrand theh-s till the sign- 
ing of a definite treaty ; but the Swedes could not agree 
to part with EUgen and Stralsund. These concessions 
were practically the Swedish prehminary for peace, and 
were only obtained by Carteret's ceaseless efibrts. It 
soon became clear that if they were to have any definite 
result, the remainder of these negotiations must be 
managed and adjusted at Copenliagen itself The Danish 
ambassador, Major-General Lewenohr, did indeed 
arrive at Stockholm in March 1720 ; but it was 
shrewdly suspected that he had no intention of con- 
cluding an arrangement. The Danes, indeed, plainly 


hinted that he had been sent only out of complaisance 
to the King of England. ' They have a very pleasant 
manner of showing their respect,' wrote Carteret rather 
annoyedly ; and he resolved that, unless the ambassador 
clearly showed from the very first a sincere desire to 
come to terms, he would himself quit Stockholm at 
once. If however he found any real evidence of Danish 
sincerity, Carteret, though heartily tired of the whole 
business, was resolute to leave nothing untouched that 
might contribute to a settlement. 

In accordance with his resolution, Carteret had 
early interviews with Lewenohr at Stockholm, and find- 
ing that the ambassador's instructions were impracticable, 
he prepared to leave Sweden. Lewenohr at once de- 
clared that if Carteret went, he himself would also go. 
This once more made Carteret's situation an anxious 
one. If they both left, the whole negotiation would be 
thrown into the air. There remained now but a very 
few weeks of the six months' armistice, and if no treaty 
were made the war must break out asjain. Eather 
than risk such a possibility by any precipitate action of 
his own, Carteret gave Denmark one chance more. 
Lewenohr (whom Carteret personally liked, and whose 
own private intentions were good) promised to write 
decisively to his Court at once, and Carteret undertook 
to await the Danish reply. Meanwhile, urged Lewenohr 
on Carteret, could not Sweden, besides the promises in 
its preliminary arrangement, be induced to give Den- 
mark a consideration in money ? ' He said that the 
King of Denmark would never make his peace without 
a sum of money, unless he was forced to it. He asked 
me frankly if we intended to force him into the prelim- 
inary. I answered that we would persuade him. He 
said that was a civil way of speaking, but might pes- 


sibly mean the same thing. I added, that he was too 

Carteret and Lewenohr both awaited anxiously, and 
somewhat hopefully, the letter from Denmark. But 
within the reasonable time no letter came, and Carteret, 
as he had said he would do, began to make his pre- 
parations for departing. Once more however he Avas 
delayed. Lord Polwarth at Copenhagen sent hopes that 
though the armistice Avas noAV so nearly over, all might 
yet go well; and Carteret, who was exceedingly desirous 
to do nothing to endanger even the faintest possibility of 
success, was induced on this information still to prolong 
his stay. He even persuaded the Swedes to accept a 
compromise on the chief point which remained in dis- 
pute, and to agree to pay a sum of money to Denmark. 
Xot enough, said Lewenohr ; but Carteret declined to do 
anything more ; and, having Ijrought matters so far, 
decided to take a definite and final step on his own re- 
sponsibility, as he had once already done with success. 
The armistice had been informally prolonged, and 
Carteret now thought he saw peace A^dthin reach at 
last, ' of which once I very much doubted ; but yet would 
never despaii', nor quit the station, while there was 
the least fight to carry us through.' If Lewenohr 
would not join Carteret in drawing up and signing a 
treaty of peace, then Carteret said that he would enter 
into a conference Avith the Swedes bv liimself; and, 
ha\nng done all he possibly could for Denmark, would 
venture to do what he had already done in the ca=e of 
Prussia and, accepting tlie treaty himself on behalf of 
the two countries, would leave to the King of Denmark 
the responsibility of rejecting the terms which the 
n;iediatifin of England had j^rocuredfor him. LewenTihr, 
in his heart thinking that Carteret wa^ rifht. as mimster 


found himself compelled to object ; taking all the pro- 
posals of the Swedes merely ad referendum, ' which 
cursed word,' says Carteret, ' has kept me here these 
four months.' Carteret therefore vigorously com- 
menced single action, and on June 14, 1720, just a year 
after he had left England, signed the treaty between 
Sweden and Denmark. As in the case of Prussia, he 
had some anxiety about the step he was taking, but 
pretty confidently hoped for success. Indeed the King 
of Denmark himself seemed already to approve what 
Carteret had done, and invited him to come direct to 
himself at Fredericksburg, without passing through 

Carteret had now accompUshed all that he could do 
in Sweden, and was ready to leave at last. He took the 
kindest farewells of his friends — the Queen, for whom 
he had clearly a chivalrous regard, and the Prince, who 
by this time had become the Bang ; and on June 24, 
1720, left Stockholm at night for Fredericksburg, arriv- 
ing there before the end of the month. He was received 
at the palace with every possible mark of distinction, 
and lost no time in attempting to put the finishing 
touch to his protracted and intricate business. On the 
day after his arrival he explained to the King what he 
had ventured to do, and reasoned with him upon the 
general condition of affau's. The King seemed not dis- 
satisfied with Carteret's conduct ; but the Danish minis- 
ters had many objections to make. Two conferences 
with them led to nothing ; but, suddenl)', on the fourth 
day after Carteret's arrival at Fredericksburg, the treaty 
was accepted almost in the exact terms which he had 
settled at Stockholm. The manner in which this was 
brought about was, as Carteret said, singular. After 
Carteret's second conference with the ministers, he dined 


with the Khig, and. in reply to questions, informed him 
of the great difficulties which the Danish statesmen were 
putting in the ^ysij. The dinner over, Carteret rode out 
with the King to see his stud, and during that Httle 
excursion he found several opportunities of discussing 
these points of difficulty with Frederick himself. 
Eeturning to the palace, the King took Carteret up with 
him to his private apartment, and seriously urged one 
point upon him. Would the King of England definitely 
guarantee to him the peaceable possession of Sleswick ? 
Would George procure for him an absolute cession of 
it, and so protect him against possible disturbance from 
the ousted Duke of Holstein? Carteret answered as 
carefully as he could, but had no authority to make such 
an engagement, and, indeed, dwelt on the comparative 
needlessness of it, seeing that the King already held 
Sleswick by right of conquest ; a fairly satisfactory 
method, added Carteret, ' whatever the lawyers and 
pedants may say to it.' 

Frederick did not press the matter further upon 
Carteret as ambassador, but was content to urge him to 
use his influence privately with George in regard to it. 
This Carteret readily undertook to do, and the King 
then immediately replied that he accepted the treaty. 
The ministers were at once called in, and in Carteret's 
presence, to their complete surprise, were informed that 
the whole thing was finished. 

Little more now remained for Carteret to do. The 
very trifling alterations which had been made in the 
treaty were readily agreed to by the Court of Sweden ; 
Stanhope, at Hanover, and the ministers in London were 
full of congratulations on the state of aflairs, and Car- 
teret's personal credit rose high. At Copenhagen, where 
he now was with the King, it was noticed that no foreign 


minister had ever been so well treated as Carteret. 
' Milord,' said Frederick to him one day, ' comme par 
voire entremise j'ai fait la paix, et qu'a cette heure me.'^ 
amies me sont inutiles, pennettez-moi que je vous fasse 
prevent de mon I'pee '; handing to him a sword valued at 
20,000 crowns, specially made for the occasion. He 
went on hunting expeditions with the King at Freder- 
icksburg ; made a military tour with him in Zealand, 
and in every way was treated with most unusual kind- 
ness. But he was desirous to get away from it all. His 
private affairs, after so long an absence, required his 
examination. He was also not quite sure what his exact 
public situation might be. While he was still at Stock- 
holm he had had the offer of the English embassy at Paris ; 
while he was at Copenhagen he was appointed to go 
Avith Stanhope to the Congress of Cambrai. Neither of 
the projects was to take effect, but Carteret could not fore- 
see that, and was anxious to be able to begin his neces- 
sary preparations. One thing only detained him at 
Copenhagen : France, which through all these northern 
negotiations had been working as fellow-mediator with 
England, was somewhat slow in ratifying this last treaty 
between Denmark and Sweden. Till this was done, the 
affair was not absolutely and technically settled, and 
Carteret, therefore, waited on. The waiting proved so 
unexpectedly wearisome that, on the announcement in 
September 1720 of his appointment to Cambrai, Car- 
teret desired to take leave of the King of Denmark ; but 
Frederick would not part with him till all was actually 
finished, and politely waved the leave-taking aside. 
Weeks passed, and still France delayed. Frederick began 
to lose his good-humour, and Sweden to fear that all 
might yet be broken off. At last, but not until Den- 
mark had seriously threatened the renewal of military 


preparations, near the end of October, Carteret received 
the desired ratification. The very next day Denmark 
formally accepted, and Carteret's seventeen months' 
negotiating was at a successful end. He had his fare- 
well audience of the King, and at once left to make his 
way, over bad roads, by Osnabrlick and the Hague to 
England. The Hague was reached by the end of 
November ; but stormy, contrary winds kept him wait- 
ing there many days. At last the fair wind came, 
and on December 1-3 he sailed from Helvoetsluys for 





English domestic affairs were in a very excited con- 
dition when Carteret arrived in London. Two sen- 
tences from Copenhagen letters of his own are concerned 
with the cause of the pubhc confusion. In August, 
1720 he wrote to a friend : ' My mother and wife have 
also got something in the South Sea ; but they don't tell 
me how much. I have had no letters from them this 
month, but at that time their good fortune had been 
considerable.' And again, two months later : ' I don't 
know exactly how the fall of South Sea has affected my 
family ; but they have lost considerably of what they 
had once gained.' By the time that Carteret returned, 
the decisive crash of the South Sea Company had come. 
The big bubble burst like the thousand smaller ones, and 
caused hardly less pohtical than social ruin. The nation, 
with a rage almost equal to its credulous infatuation, 
abused the King, demanded the blood of the directors, and 
fiercely turned against those members of the Government 
who could be made to feel the weight of its passionate, 
self-inflicted disappointment. Against Aislabie, the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, the outcry was particu- 
larly keen. He was expelled and sent to the Tower, 
amid the bonfires of the bitterly rejoicing city. Sunder- 
land was head of the Government ; Craggs was Secretary 



of State. The secret committee of the Commons re- 
ported against each of them. Fortunately, perhaps, for 
himself, Craggs died on the very day on which the 
report was presented ; and Sunderland, though cleared 
by a large majority, yielded to the popular clamour and 
resigned. Stanhope, the other Secretary, defended the 
ministry in the House of Lords so eagerly that he made 
himself ill, and next day died. 

The ministry was practically destroyed. Two 
Secretaries of State had died within little more than a 
week of each other, Walpole, having found himself 
unable to weaken Stanhope's Government, had, with 
unembarrassed inconsistency, rejoined it as an inferior ; 
and the unanimous voice of the nation now demanded 
that he should return to power to repair the ruined 
finances. With him came back his brother-in-law, 
Townshend, to take Stanhope's empty place. Thus 
Walpole and Townshend had almost dramatically 
complete revenge for the intrigues of Stanhope and 
Sunderland at Hanover, some two or three years 
before. In the now remodelled Government room was 
made for Carteret. Sunderland, though practically 
driven from office, kept with no diminution at all his 
influence and reputation with the King ; and it was 
through Sunderland that Carteret was appointed to the 
office vacant by the death of Craggs. In March 1721 
Carteret received the seals as Secretary of State for 
the Southern department. He was only thirty-one, 
and ought, as Swift said, to have been busily losing 
his money at a chocolate-house ; but he had already 
had ten years' parhamentary and pohtical experience. 
Another office had been destined for him. He had 
actually been appointed ambassador extraordinary to 
France, and was on the point of starting, when the 


collapse of tlie ministry altered that and many other 
arrangements of the English political world. As Carteret 
himself wrote, the sudden death of his two best friends 
changed his destiny. It is not probable that a life of 
diplomacy would have been pleasing to him. He had 
already had brilliant success in that department ; but 
he had also had sufficient experience of its vexations 
and difficulties, especially annoying to a man of an 
actively practical mind, with a genius for work. To 
be a member of the Government in London was doubt- 
less preferable to Carteret, and his selection for one of 
the leading posts in the Cabinet is a proof of the high 
estimate which had already been formed of his ability. 
Needless to say that the selection was not made by 
Walpole, who dreaded nothing so much as talents in 
those with whom he had to share his rule. In Walpole's 
Government to be a mediocrity was to be safe. But 
Carteret could not be a political nonentity or a mere 
clerk to do Walpole's unquestioned bidding. Walpole's 
frightened jealousy would tolerate nothing else ; and 
after three years Carteret accordingly had to go, as 
Pulteney was to go, and Townshend, and Chesterfield, 
and many less distinguished men than these. Men of 
genius and Walpole could not long work harmoniously 
together ; a ridiculous Duke of Newcastle, a middling 
Harrington or Hardwicke, suited Walpole's purposes, as 
no abler man might hope to do. 

The management of foreign affairs was at this period 
entrusted — subject to the direct personal interference of 
the King — to two Secretaries of State, who divided 
Europe between them. To the Secretary for the North 
fell the Scandinavian kingdoms, with Russia, Prussia, 
Hanover ; to the Secretary for the South, mainly the 
other and more important parts of Europe. Newcastle 

F 2 


was Northern Secretary, and, in his absurd way, believed 
that Hanover, included in his department, must there- 
fore be north of England. Carteret, as Southern Secre- 
tary, had the direction of the negotiations with France, 
Spain, Austria, and the various princes in Italy ; and as 
affairs between England and all these powers were in a 
most complicated condition when he entered office, it 
seemed likely that Carteret would have hardly a less 
leading part in pacifying the South than he had already 
had in arrangingf the North. At the same time he had 
to take a leading part in support of the Government at 
home, for his abilities as a speaker caused much of the 
work in the House of Lords to fall upon him. But his 
main business was with foreign affairs. 

The Emperor of Germany was Charles VI. He had 
been one of the claimants for the Spanish crown in the 
war of the Spanish Succession. As a lad of eighteen, on 
his way to Spain to call himself King there, he had been 
received with all pomp by Queen Anne at Windsor, and 
had stayed there three days, grave, modest, silent. 
England and Marlborough had fought for him ; Peter- 
borough had done knight-errantry for him in Spain ; 
and it had all resulted in nothing. He had become 
Emperor while the Succession war was still unfinished ; 
King of Spain he never became. And when England, 
in a somewhat singular manner, and with very base 
treatment of Marlborough, discovered that she had had 
enough of the war and made the Peace of Utrecht with 
Louis XIV., Charles took it almost as a personal affront. 
He would have nothing whatever to do with the peace ; 
would go on with the war alone ; and even tried to 
do so for a time, till he saw it was hopeless. He found 
himself compelled to make his peace with Spain ; but 
though he lost all chance of its throne, he still cluno- 


desperately to the title. Here was one leading trouble 
of his ; and another question, still more important to 
him, was just at this time forcing itself upon his notice. 
He had no son ; who was to succeed him ? Very pri- 
vately, in this same year of the Utrecht peace, he had 
drawn up the document afterwards too well known as 
the Pragmatic Sanction, declaring fixedly that if sons 
altogether failed him, daughters should be equally good 
to succeed to his hereditary possessions. When Carteret 
became English Secretary of State, the existence of this 
Pragmatic Sanction was already pretty generally known, 
and it was the great toil of the Emperor's life to per- 
suade Europe to accept it. 

In Spain the nominal Sovereign was Louis XIV. 's 
grandson, the Bourbon Phihp V., crazy in brain and 
broken in constitution, desiring nothing, said Alberoni, 
but a wife and a prayer-book. The real Sovereign was 
Philip's second wife, Elizabeth Farnese, a very fiery 
Italian woman, who singularly falsified gently patronis- 
ing predictions concerning her. A good girl she had 
been called when it became necessary to find a second 
wife for Spain — fat with the butter and the milk of the 
Picentine, addicted to nothing more emphatic than 
needlework and embroidery. Things proved very 
different. For years she kept Europe in a state of 
delirious agitation. She had an infant son, Don Carlos 
by name, a child who was not the heir to the Spanish 
throne. For years too wearisome to think of this 
entirely superfluous infant was the greatest nuisance in 
Europe. Nothing would satisfy his mother till certain 
Italian Duchies — Tuscany, Parma, Piacenza — should be 
handed over to him ; but the Emperor was feudal 
superior of the Duchies, and to gain his consent to 
Elizabeth's desired arrangement proved difficult almost 


to impossibility. Demands and refusals caused a con- 
tinual bickering between the two potentates, who kept 
Europe in a state of constant alarm, and terribly 
agitated the interestingly delicate balance of power. 
Even when the Emperor was forced to agree, in a 
sullen sort of way, to the Treaty of Utrecht, and so to 
peace with Spain, the quarrel was by no means settled. 
Charles did not even acknowledge Philip as King of 
Spain — far less would he permit Spanish troops to 
garrison the Italian Duchies, and keep them warm for 
the infant till his time should come. Charles would 
not hear of such a thing ; and Elizabeth, backed by 
Alberoni, began to make serious preparations for war. 

The Emperor took alarm at Elizabeth's doings, and 
a series of treaties and counter-treaties followed, designed 
to give, if possible, some feeling of security to Europe 
in its state of agitated uncertainty. The first of these 
arrangements was a reconciliation between Charles and 
England, signed at Westminster. Xext came the agree- 
ment between England and France, which busied Dubois 
and Stanhope at Hanover and the Hague. Third followed 
the Triple Alliance between England, Erance, and Hol- 
land, settled in January 1717, mainlj- intended to arrange 
the points in dispute between Charles and Elizabeth. 
Charles, mortified by this alliance — for it guaranteed 
the peace of Utrecht, which secured Spain to Phihp — 
refused at first to come into it, but alarm at EKzabeth's 
Spanish preparations soon brought him to terms. Thus 
the Triple Alliance was, in the summer of 1718, made 
quadruple, and if now Spain could be induced to join, 
and the arrangement so become quintuple, the thing 
might be looked upon as satisfactorily settled. But 
this was the point where the real diiEculty began. 
The terms of the Quadruple Alliance seemed altogether 
unendurable to Spain. Don Carlos was indeed to be 


recognised as eventual heir to the desired Italian 
Duchies, and the Emperor agreed to grant that Philip 
was King of Spain. But on the other hand no Spanish 
troops were to be admitted into Italy, and Charles was 
expressly allowed to appropriate Sicily — King Victor 
of Sicily by way of compensation receiving Sardinia, 
which a Spanish fleet had recently taken from the Em- 
peror himself. Other points of dispute were left over 
to be settled at a Congress at Cambrai, where France 
and England were to mediate between the two quarrel- 
ling powers. 

Three months were granted to Spain in which to 
accept this treaty. Stanhope went to Paris and to 
Madrid to try to secure a settlement ; an English fleet 
was fitted out for the Mediterranean ; strong arguments 
for peace were brought to bear on Alberoni. But 
Spain would not listen, and, rather than accept the 
terms which had been sorted out for her, impetuously 
ventured into something very like war. Here was 
the first slight outbreak of a war — always con- 
fused and complicated, sometimes almost meaningless, 
which in very varying forms and circumstances was 
the plague of Europe for thirty years to come. A 
Spanish fleet sailed from Barcelona, made for Sicily, 
and attacked and took Messina. But Byng was there 
with his English ships ready to help the Emperor to 
recover his island. On the 10th of August, 1718, in 
the roads of Messina, Byng fell upon the Spanish fleet, 
and practically annihilated it, the Spaniards themselves 
being now besieged in the town of which they had 
hardly yet got complete possession. This was a very 
severe and quite unexpected blow to Spain ; the begin- 
ning of the end of Cardinal Alberoni, and a mortifying 
check to his fiery mistress. In England the news was 
received with great satisfaction, and it was Carteret 


who, when parliament met in November, moved in the 
Lords the address of thanks to the King, congratulating 
him on the aUiance with the French Eegent, and on the 
success of Admiral Byng. Other events rapidly fol- 
lowed, all of an unfortunate nature for Spain. England 
declared war before the year was over, and made a 
successful descent on Vigo. The Spaniards were forced 
to evacuate Sicily. France discovered a Spanish plot 
against the Eegent, and at once declared war. A 
Spanish invasion of England in favour of the Pretender 
had been projected, and an expedition actually sailed 
from Cadiz, but it was scattered and ruined by a storm. 
These accumulated misfortunes, and the sudden death 
of Charles XII. of Sweden, compelled Spain, threatened 
on all sides by the united hostihty of England, France, 
and the Emperor, to yield to the terms which Europe 
offered. Alberoni was dismissed at the end of 1719, 
and in February 1720 Spain joined the Quadruple 
Alliance. The war, such as it had been, was over for 
the time, and a Congress at Cambrai hoped to bring 
things to a final settlement. Such was the state of 
European affairs when Carteret became Secretary of 
State for the Southern Department. 

At the Cambrai congress England and France were 
to be mediators between the Emperor and Spain, but 
before the pacific proceedings could begin there were 
many difficulties to remove, and these difficulties were 
sometimes seemingly insuperable. At the very outset 
there was considerable doubt if France was perfectlv 
sincere in its alhance with England. Carteret's foreign 
pohcy was a continuation and development of his late 
friend Earl Stanhope's, and he was anxious, as he him- 
self wrote to the Archbishop of Cambrai, to strengthen 
between the two countries the alliance which Stanliope 


had done so much to bring about. But at the same 
time Carteret's letters to his friend Schaub, the Enghsh 
ambassador at Paris, show that his confidence in Arch- 
bishop Dubois was very far from perfect. Carteret, 
writing to Dubois, promised from himself fairness and 
candour in his deaUngs, and hoped for the same in re- 
turn ; but smooth words alone from France would go 
but a moderate length with him. Proof of sincerity by 
action was what Carteret wanted, and it happened that 
there was a pressing question in agitation at this time 
between England and Spain which might very fairly 
test the reahty of French professions. This was the 
question of Gibraltar — a question which must be satis- 
factorily solved before England and Spain could 
harmoniously enter the Congress together. 

Earl Stanhope had been of opinion that Gibraltar 
might, on reasonable terms, be restored to Spain, and 
as an inducement to Spain to join the Quadruple Alli- 
ance the French Government had promised to use what 
influence it had with England on this matter. But 
when the plan had been mentioned in England, both 
parhament and the nation had opposed it with excited 
determination, and by the time that Carteret entered 
office the English Government had firmly decided that 
the fortress must be kept. Yet Spain, whose hopes 
had been raised high, seemed equally resolved ; and 
here for Carteret was a preliminary difficulty which 
must be removed before there could be anything like 
reconciliation between the two countries. A proof of 
the reality of French friendship was fortunately given 
when the Regent was brought to agree that England 
might fairly insist on the renewal of her treaties with 
Spain — Avhich had been broken off by the war — with- 
out touching on the Gibraltar question at all. Yet it 


seemed very doubtful if Spain would yield its point. 
Spain harped on the promise of restoration which she 
insisted that Earl Stanhope had given, and ventured to 
demand a definite and formal assurance that Gibraltar 
should be surrendered before she would settle any other 
point whatever with England. But even the Court of 
Spain soon discovered that it was worse than useless to 
adopt a tone of this kind. The English ambassador 
at Madrid, Mr. Stanhope (better known afterwards as 
the Earl of Harrington), plainly declared that England 
would rather carry on the war for ten years longer 
than either give up Gibraltar now or definitely promise 
to do so in the future. Spain therefore made another 
proposal. Let the King of England make a conditional 
promise of the restoration, the conditions being that 
Spain should ofier an equivalent to England, and the 
English parliament give its consent. George, who 
himself was personally indifferent about the thing, did 
write such a conditional letter to the King of Spain — ■ 
his ministers knowing well that it was a mere empty 
form, for parliament would never sanction the sur- 
render. If such a letter, utterly meaningless on the 
English side, would materially assist the negotiations 
on hand, there was no reason why it should not be sent. 
England even w^ent further ; for when the irritable 
Court of Spain, having obtained this letter, querulously 
insisted that the equivalent should be left out, George 
wrote again in June 1721, yielding to their pettish irri- 
tation. So long as the consent of parliament was 
insisted upon, what else might or might not be men- 
tioned was to England a matter of complete indiiference. 
Carteret saw that Spain would not yield with a good 
grace ; let her yield with a bad one, then, since her 
notions of deportment were of no practical significance. 


The signing of tlie treaty between England and 
Spain followed, and the ground was cleared somewhat 
for the approaching Congress. Stanhope, who was 
cordially assisted by Carteret, had great difficulties to 
overcome before the signatures were actually affixed. 
The Spanish Court was almost unendurably dilatory in 
its manner of transacting public business ; and when 
the English ambassador opposed its impossible preten- 
sions, the fiery Queen herself burst out upon him that 
he was an enemy of peace, and anxious, because he was 
a soldier himself, to obtain a continuance of the war.^ 
But Stanhope took it all patiently, and Carteret was 
glad to see the firmness and prudence of the relative of 
his own late friend. The treaty was successfully signed 
at Madrid (June 13, 1721), and on that same day an- 
other piece of preparation for the Congress was also 
made. This was an alhance between England, France, 
and Spain, to be kept, if possible, a secret from the 
Emperor tiU the Cambrai Congress was well over. It 
was hoped that this arrangement might be something 
of a guarantee for the preservation of peace, and that 
if all remonstrances and reasonings with the Emperor 
at Cambrai should fail, the discovery that he -had an 
alliance of the three crowns to contend with might be 
more effectual with him than any other argument could 
be. These two treaties were settled together, and so 
far things seemed to promise fairly well. 

But there were hardly fewer preliminary difficulties 
to overcome on the Austrian side ; difficulties so great 
that the advisabiHty of doing without the Congress 
altogether was seriously discussed. The petty points 
which were painfully magnified till they overshadowed 

' Stanhope to Carteret, May 29, 1721. Brit. Mus., Add. MSS. 22,520 ; 
fol. 105, 


things of real importance, the ponderous stolidity with 
Avhich disappointed persons insisted on clinging to the 
shadow of the substance which they had lost, must have 
vividly reminded Carteret of many of his experiences in 
Sweden and in Denmark. The Emperor's ambassador 
in London was an old man, and at times of a very bad 
humour ; and his petulant outbursts, though they re- 
ceived no practical attention from Carteret, who took 
them simply as things which must be put up with, were 
a hindrance and a danger to the negotiations. Instead 
of plain honesty and prudent discretion, there were 
diplomatic mystifications and so-called fine pohtical 
strokes which, much as the contrary has been stated, 
Carteret both hated and despised. His real pohtical 
genius, accompanied by calm and complete knowledge, 
turned instinctively from the mock-mysteries which 
appeal in a singularly similar way to the flightily clever 
and to the solemnly stupid. Carteret was simply 
annoyed when diplomatic persons insisted on treating 
the excrescences of a subject as if they were the essen- 
tial point itself. The excrescences of the dispute be- 
tween Austria and Spain, though small, were intricate 
and obstinately troublesome ; and besides these there 
were two or three prehminary questions on which the 
diplomatic arguing and despatching was almost endless. 
One of these points was the so-called question of the 
titles. The Emperor obstinately clung to the title of 
King of Spain, and even, by distributing the Order of the 
Golden Fleece, seemed resolved to make the title some- 
what more than nominal only. On the other hand, the 
King of Spain insisted on caUing himself Archduke of 
Austria and Count of Hapsburg. Xominal only, for the 
mere honour of the thing, the Spanish minister at 
Madrid assured Stanhope, just as the King of England 


still called himself King of France ; the minister insinuat- 
ing, in a shghtly malicious way, that that also was 
a title the reality of which was not perfectly plain to 
everybody. Then there was the question of the letters 
of investiture, the Emperor's formal pledge of the re- 
version of the Itahan Duchies to Don Carlos. Austria 
was exceedingly slow over this matter ; the Emperor, 
indeed, for whom Byng's sea-fight had secured Sicily, 
had in that way acquired all that he himself could gain, 
and was in no hurry to redeem the promises which 
he had given when he joined the Quadruple Alliance. 
The Austrian minister in London continually assured 
Carteret that these investitures were being prepared, but 
nothing more convincing than this reiterated formality 
was forthcoming. And, as a third point, Spain espe- 
cially desired that Don Carlos and a sufficient number 
of Spanish troops might at once enter Italy. The Duke 
of Tuscany was old ; his son was in bad health ; the 
actual presence of the Spanish infant in Italy would be 
better than any other guarantee of the Emperor's sin- 
cerity. But here again the Austrian reply was merely 
dilatory and evasive. To add to all these tedious dif- 
ficulties, there were even hints that Spain, in spite of 
the treaty so lately made with England, was anxious to 
moot again the question of Gibraltar. Carteret so firmly 
put his foot down on this that nothing more was heard 
of it ; but the various questions in vexed dispute seemed 
so unlikely to be settled before the meeting of the 
Congress, and so dangerous to touch at the Congress 
itself, that to do without that assemblage altogether 
began to seem to some by far the safer plan. This 
was the hint and proposal of Archbishop, now Cardinal, 
Dubois, a hint Avhich might be acted on, thought and 
hoped Carteret. Spain itself showed no anxiety to meet 


Europe in Council, for Spain had no sincere desire 
for peace ; and tlie Emperor could not hope to come 
out of a Congress practically any better off than when 
he had entered it. Carteret, writing to Schaub, de- 
clared the conviction of the EngUsh ministers that, in 
the complete absence of any even elementary under- 
standing between the two powers, a Congress, instead of 
procuring a peace, would be only the signal for the 
beginning of a new war. 

Unfortunately, it was found impossiljle to do with- 
out the Congress. The Emperor, though as yet he 
knew nothing of the secret treaty between England, 
France, and Spain, had already become suspiciously 
sensitive, and vaguely feared the completion of some 
arrangement contrary to his own interests. By the end 
of 1721, nearly two years after Spain had joined the 
Quadruple Alliance and the Congress had been pro- 
posed, Charles resolved at once to send his ministers to 
Cambrai, and then to call them home again if the Con- 
gress did not open. Enghsli ministers were also therefore 
appointed, that no blame for delay might rest on 
England. Lord Whitworth, ambassador at Berlin, and 
Lord Pohvarth, minister at Copenhagen, were chosen 
for the dreary work. But Carteret had not much 
hope of any satisfactory result. He foresaw that it 
would be impossible to satisfy both the Emperor and 
Spain : he doubted — and his doubts Avere reahsed — if it 
would be possible to satisfy either of them. England, 
however, had accepted the part of mediator, and would 
do Avhat she could to sustain it ; the union between 
England and France might prove of some effectiveness, 
and at least one could try. To hurry nothing, to watch 
events carefuEy from day to day, to discountenance all 
ambitious desire for elaborate and perhaps only artifi- 


cial decisions, and to keep close to the alliance with 
France, was all that Carteret's policy could at present 
propose. To give any definite instructions to the pleni- 
potentiaries was impossible ; for though through many 
long months official persons of all kinds were crowding 
into Cambrai, their meetings and discussions were as 
yet all of the informal kind. No full powers could 
be assumed, no definite Congress could be formally 
constituted, till some preliminary arrangement between 
Sjoain and Austria gave the negotiators firm ground to 
go upon ; and it seemed as if this first arrangement 
would never be made. It was actually nearly three 
years before the Courts and diplomatists ended their 
pedantic discussions and weaiisome delays. It was the 
beginning of 1723 before the Emperor sent to 
England the plan of the letters of investiture for Don 
Carlos ; it was April before Carteret could write to 
Polwarth and Whitworth that hopes of some conclusion 
of this matter were coining after all. Six months more 
passed before the slight necessary changes made in the 
Austrian plan were agreed to at Vienna, and then at 
length, the Congress being now ready to begin, in No- 
vember 1723 Carteret signed the full powers for the 
Enghsh plenipotentiaries at Cambrai. After all its 
weary waiting the Congress was ready to open at last, 
and here for the present we may gladly leave it. 

Meanwhile, for the last six months, George had Ijeen 
in Hanover. The Jacobite conspiracy known indiffer- 
ently as Layer's, or as Atterbury's plot, had deprived 
him of his usual visit to Germany the year befoi'e ; but 
this summer things were quiet in England, and as soon 
as parliament had risen, the Eing embarked, accompanied 
by Carteret and Townshend. This seemingly common- 
place visit to Hanover had very important results for 


Carteret. It gave Walpole an opportunity of which 
he was not slow to avail himself; for jealousy of col- 
leagues of abihty marked all Walpole's pohtical hfe, 
and he had felt jealous of Carteret almost from the 
moment of the formation of his ministry. Walpole, 
son of a hard-drinking, sporting, cattle-breeding Xorfolk 
squire, had had originally no intention in the parUa- 
mentary way. He was onl)' a third son, destined, in 
those Httle-scrupulous times, to find his way to fortune 
by preferment in the Church. ' If I had not been 
Prime ^linister, I should have been Archbishop of 
Canterbury,' he used to say in later days. But he 
became heir ; followed his father's ilhterate, drinking, 
hard-hving ways, and got into Parhament for one of 
the family seats. A coarse, noisy man ; no orator, no 
scholar ; with no nearer approach to even a tincture of 
hterature than the conventional possession of a few stale 
tags from Horace. In his own hbrary at Houghton he 
once found Henry Fox reading, and said to him : ' You 
can read. It is a great happiness. I totally neglected 
it while I was in business, which has been the whole of 
my life, and to such a degree that I cannot now read a 
page — a warning to aU ministers.'^ He opened his 
gamekeeper's letters before all official or other corre- 
spondence.^ But he was exceedingly industrious and 
clear-headed ; a man of business and direct common 
sense ; of great physical endurance and power of work ; 
thoroughly understanding Parhament and his own aims 
and intentions there. His aims were low and were 
reached by low means ; yet the cynical frankness of his 

' Lord Shelburne's Autobiography \ in Lord E. Fitzmaurice's Shelbwne, 
I. 37. 

^ .V Tei-y different man from ^Valpole, Viscount Althorp, 3rd Earl 
Spencer, did something of the same kind. See Sir D. Le Marchant's Earl 
H^Kmcer, p. h^'-'j. 


parliamentarj- corruption escapes much of its deserved 
censure by its almost brutal freedom from hypocrisy. 
Since that was the way the Government was carried on, 
why pretend that it was not ? Walpole giving bribes 
is a far less unpleasant .sight than many high-professing 
pohticians receiving them. 

What, in twenty years, did Walpole really do ? He 
kept himself at the top of English political affairs. 
Touching nothing that he could possibly leave alone, 
giving way always rather than run the risk of any 
serious parliamentary danger, he clung doggedly to the 
power which he allowed no others to share with him. 
Personally mild, good-natured, and in other matters even 
carelessly indifferent, he worked for his o\vn individual 
predominance in politics with a terribly intense deter- 
mination. He spared no one who stood, as he thought, 
in his way ; no one whose abilities, of a higher stamp 
than his own, might possibly venture to dispute with 
him the position which he had fixedly arrogated to him- 
self Thus from the very first he had felt a dread of 
Carteret. Carteret had become Secretary of State in 
Walpole's Government in March 1721. In June of that 
same year, Walpole opposed the election of a particular 
member to the House of Commons, simply because 
Carteret favoured it.^ One cause of Walpole's jealousy, 
doubtless, was the fact that Carteret belonged to the 
Sunderland and Stanhope sectiLin of the Whigs. A per- 
son of a comparative turn of mind, who one day saw 
Sunderland and Carteret, Walpole and Townshend, come 
out of a coach together at Kensington, found himself 
thinking of two cluelhsts arriving on the ground with 
their seconds.^ Carteret could not be ignorant that 

' Coxe's Walp<,le, II. 217. 

- Brit. Mus. Sloaue :MSS. 4,163 ; fol. 2G0, v°. 



Walpole was rather his political enemy than his colleague. 
A curious entry in Lord Marchmont's diary proves that 
when Sunderland died, in April 1722, Carteret already 
thoroughly understood his position. ' Lord Chesterfield 
told me,' writes Marchmont, ' that on the death of Lord 
Sunderland, Lord Carteret had applied to the late King ' 
(George I.) ' to support him, as he was then surrounded 
by his enemies ; that the King promised it him, but told 
him the necessity of the time forced him to temporise ; 
that hereupon Lord Carteret spoke to the Duchess of 
Kendal, who bid him have patience, and told him the 
King hated his other ministers. '-"^ But even if Carteret 
had not, as it were, innocently succeeded to the grudge 
which Walpole felt against Sunderland and Stanhope, 
Walpole's jealousy would have soon found occasion for 
quarrelling with him, as he quarrelled with his own 
brother-in-law Townshend, with Pulteney, and with 
many others. It was enough that Carteret was a man 
of unquestioned abilitj^, who would not agree to forfeit 
all reality of power, if only he might keep its outside 
dignities and ceremonious distinctions. From the very 
first, therefore, Walpole, true to his constant theory, 
felt that he must free himself from Carteret. An oppor- 
tunity seemed to fall to Walpole's hands when, in 172.3, 
Carteret went with the King to Hanover. A political 
intrigue, carefully worked by Walpole and Townshend 
in the usual underground fashion, was set in full play, 
and the statesman whose abilities and influence Walpole 
forebodingly dreaded was before long sent into political 
exile. Walpole had, indeed, great difficulty in getting 
rid of Carteret ; for Carteret's weight was quite dis- 
proportioned to his years, and the King, who knew his 
worth, was very unwilling to part with him. But Wal- 

' Murchnont Papers, I. 3. Aug. 2, 1744, 


pole's dogged determination to be freed from a danger- 
ous rival had its way in the end ; and when Carteret 
returned to England in the beginning of 1724, the 
brother-ministers felt sure that he would not be able 
long to escape them. But before noticing the details of 
Walpole's plot against his colleague, we may follow 
Carteret from Hanover to Berhn. 

Visits between Berlin and Hanover when George was 
on the continent were, in the course of things, natural 
enough. Queen Sophia Dorothea of Prussia was the 
King of England's daughter, and often when her father 
was at his Hanoverian palace of Herrenhausen, she left 
her own capital to visit him, her husband, Frederick 
Wilham, sometimes accompanying her. Queen Sophia, 
in these Hanoverian visits of hers, was mainly intent on 
the famous double-marriage scheme between Prussia and 
England. George's grandson, Frederick, would be Prince 
of Wales when his grandfather died, and presumably 
one day — though it turned out not so — King of Eng- 
land. Let him, thought his aunt. Queen Sophia Doro- 
thea, marry a Prussian princess-cousin of his ; and let her 
own son Frederick, Prince-Koyal of Prussia, afterwards 
Frederick the Great, choose an English princess to be 
the third Prussian Queen. This was Queen Sophia's 
plan, which she had much at heart ; but the two Kings, 
her husband and her father, were by no means so 
anxious about it as Sophia herself. So the proposal 
had dragged considerably, but now in the year 1723 
it seemed easily possible to -infuse a little more life into 
the somewhat languid negotiations. George had suc- 
cessfully ended his Jacobite and South Sea troubles, and 
European affairs, it was vaguely hoped, might after all 
be tending to a satisfactory settlement at Cambrai. In 
this somewhat serene interval, the marriage scheme was 



accordingly more attentively looked at ; the Queen of 
Prussia was more diligent than ever, and visiting between 
the two friendly continental Courts became decidedly 
brisk. It was near the end of June 1723 when George 
arrived at Hanover, closely followed by his two minis- 
ters ; and before the month was over Frederick Wilham 
was there too. ' The King of Prussia is just arrived,' 
writes Carteret to Walpole. ' The cannon of the town 
are now firing ; six o'clock in the evening.''- Carteret 
had a long private audience with Frederick Wilham, 
and found him full of expressions of friendship for his 
father-in-law the King of England. In less than a month 
after, the Queen — Frederick WiUiam having returned to 
Berhn after a visit of a few days — arrived at Herren- 
hausen to make a longer stay ; and, for the sake of her 
matrimonial plans, was very anxious, as Carteret and 
Townshend also were for more pressing pohtical reasons, 
to persuade George to return the visit at Berhn. To 
leave Hanover, unless it were to go to his shooting-seat 
not very far away, was never a thing which seemed desir- 
able to George ; and it was somewhat difficult, even on 
thi- occasion, to get him to agree. But he was at this 
moment greatly agitated by certain disturbing move- 
ments of the Czar and his fleet ; and to be on good 
terms with the King of Prussia was to have for a friend 
the absolute master of a standing army of 80,000 men. 
The Enghsh King's slightly lethargic dehght in the trim 
charms of Hanover was actually sacrificed for reasons 
of pohteness and pohcy ; Queen Sophia hoped her 
maternal plans were about to be sealed by a formal 
treaty, and Enghsh statesmen saw pleasant visions of an 
enviable political alliance. 

(George, accompanied by Carteret and Townshend, 
1 Brit. Mu=. Add. MSS. 22,.i;2:j ; fol. 3, v°. June 29, 1720. 


left Herreuliausen on October the Ttli, 1723, and next 
evening arrived at Charlottenburg, one of the Prussian 
palaces a mile or so south of Berlin ; a palace built by 
George's own sister, Sophie Charlotte, first Queen of 
Prussia, made immortal by a pinch of snuff. The Eoyal 
Prussian family were all at Charlottenburg ready to 
receive their heavy relative from Hanover ; and though 
George terribly alarmed the whole household, and 
especially his own ministers, by his sudden illness that 
night, all was well again next morning when the sight- 
seeing and entertainments began. Carteret gives Walpole 
a shght programme of the proceedings : — 

' All this Court is at the height of joy to see his 
majesty so full of health, as well as of goodness and 
graciousness. You will easily imagine that the time is 
spent in variety of entertainments, in which the King 
of Prussia strives to show his utmost satisfaction at his 
majesty's presence. I shall not enter into a description 
of all that passes, but his Prussian majesty's favourite 
pleasure, his troops, appear in their exercise and in 
everything exact and perfect beyond imagination. The 
Queen entertained his majesty yesterday at dinner at 
a very pretty garden-house her majesty has just out 
of the gates of Berhn, called J]Io7i Bijou, and in the 
evening there was a fine ball and supper at the Castle. 
To-morrow we sliall attend the King to Potsdam, where 
his majesty will see the great grenadiers, and after 
dinner go onwards as far as Fehrbelhn, in order to reach 
the Gohr' with ease on Thursday.'^ 

Frederick William's favourite hobby, his regiment 
of the tallest men to be bought, pressed, or kidnapped 
in Europe, was duly paraded before his royal visitor. 

' George's Hanoverian hunting-seat. 

» Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. -'2,024 ; fol. 10-11. 


'Nothing could make a finer appearance,' reports a 
feuillet which Carteret sent to Polwarth and Whit- 
worth to amuse them in their dreary work at Cambrai. 
' They marched before the King and then drew up and per- 
formed the exercise of advancing and retreating, and 
firing by platoons, which they did with that order and 
dexterity that they fired upwards of 10,000 shot in 
about fifteen minutes, each man firing fourteen times.' 
But far the most notable sight which George saw at 
Berhn was of a different, though also mUitary, order ; 
the Crown-Prince Cadets, some three hundred boys of 
good family, performing their exercise, headed by a boy 
of some thirteen or fourteen years old, George's own 
grandson, one day to be Frederick the Great. TheEnghsh 
King, who was probably a good deal bored by Court 
dinners and the painful necessity of being generally 
polite, was especially pleased with the behaviour of the 
young prince. But doubtless what pleased him most 
of all was his safe return to his own Hanover once 

And the double marriage, and the Prussian aUiance .^ 
In spite of all the hopes and desires, not very much was 
done to secure the one, and absolutely nothing to secure 
the other. Xo double-marriage agreement was signed 
now, or ever was ; Queen Sophia's unending toil on this 
point soon went all to ruin. A pohtical alhance, per- 
haps not of a very definite kind, was indeed arranged ; 
a promise between the two crowns of mutual friendship 
and help in dangers that might arise; signed at Charlot- 
tenburg by Carteret and Townshend on the Enghsh 
side. But that was all. Assurances of good-will were 
profuse on both sides ; Frederick Wilham, who had a 
good heart under his exceedingly rough exterior, showed 
really great cordiality to his somewhat inarticulate 


father-in-law. But for practical purposes this visit, 
from which great things had been expected, proved to 
be only a more or less enjoyable episode, which left 
high pohtical affairs very much where it had found 

George had chiefly been reconciled to this visit to 
Berlin by his alarm at certain threatening proceedings 
of the Czar, and it was in argument over English policy 
towards Peter the Great that it first became indisputably 
evident that Walpole and Townshend were in reality the 
rivals of their colleague Carteret. Well-founded informa- 
tion came to Hanover that Peter was fitting out a 
powerful expedition ; there could be httle doubt that its 
object was an attack on Sweden. In Sweden there 
was a considerable faction anxious to produce a change 
in the Government; and if this party should unite with 
the Czar, the result might be to place upon the Swedish 
throne a nominee of Eussia ; a disastrous result for the 
commercial and pohtical interests of England. George 
was exceedingly concerned at such a prospect, and dis- 
cussed with Carteret and Townshend the necessary 
counter-measures. Townshend, quite as much as Car- 
teret, recognised the serious condition of affairs and the 
dangers which might throw all the north of Europe into 
confusion again, and he pressed Walpole to consider 
some financial plan by which money might be forth- 
coming in case of an emergency. But Carteret was in- 
clined to go further. He urged that some Enghsh men-ol- 
war should at least be put into a state of readiness, that 
they might join the Danish fleet without loss of time if 
the Czar's action should force England to oppose him. 
Townshend objected to this, and the result was a struggle 
between the two Secretaries ; the first actual glimpse of 
their real opposition to each other. They went together 


to the King, and argued the point before him, and 
greatly to Townshend's delight, the royal opinion sided 
with his view. Carteret, says Townshend, was much 
mortified ; he went out shooting for a few days in a per- 
plexed condition. Townshend solaced himself with 
very flattering reflections, and effusively communicated 
his joy to Walpole. 

Por by this time Walpole and Townshend had begun 
to consider Carteret a serious danger in their way. 
Carteret's personal charm, his great attention to busi- 
ness, his perfect knowledge of European pohtics — a 
subject on which Walpole did not profess to be any 
special authority — had gained him the complete favour 
of the King. It was much in his favour, too, that he could 
speak German, while Walpole in all his conversations 
with George, who had no English and spoke no French, 
was restricted to an unsatisfactory, and perhaps some- 
times unintelligible, dog-Latin. It is curious to notice how 
little progress German made in England under its first 
two German Kings. In 1736, when the Princess Augusta 
of Saxe-Gotha was about to be married to Frederick, 
Prince of AYales, it was suggested that she might ad- 
visedly be taught either French or Enghsli. Her 
mother, however, with a ludicrous misconception of the 
Teutonic enthusiasm of the English nation, rephed that 
knowledge of Enghsh or French must be quite unneces- 
sary ; for the Hanover family had been on the English 
throne for more than twenty years, and to be sure most 
people in England, and especially at Court, m\\-,i speak 
German as well and as often as they spoke English. 
Yet Lord Hervey bluntly declares that there were pro- 
bably not three people in the kingdom who spoke a word 
of it better than they had done in the reign of Queen 
Anne. Of German, however, Carteret was an easy 


master ; and amusing accounts tell with what jealous, 
suspicious wonder the other ministers heard Carteret 
conversing with the sovereign in that unknown tongue. 
Carteret's weight at the same time was great for another 
reason. The influence which Earl Stanhope had pos- 
sessed over Cardinal Dubois, and so over the French 
Court, had passed to Carteret, who thus was the chief 
guarantee in the Government for the continuance of the 
French alliance. The English ambassador at Paris had 
been appointed by Carteret, and was his attached per- 
sonal friend. And while Carteret had these striking 
pohtical and personal advantages, he decidedly had po- 
litical ambition, though it was ambition of the sort which 
despised the labyrinthine httlenesses of the party pohtics 
of the day, and was utterly above money and ribbons 
and garters. A man of this kind and AYalpole could 
not possibly long work together, and the crisis of their 
disagreement came during this visit to Hanover. 

No Eiighsh statesman of the first half of the eight- 
eenth century, however high his personal character 
and unquestionable his abilities, could keep his head 
above water without a firm hold of Court favour, and 
in the reign of George I. this favour was only to be 
obtained through channels of a somewhat unsavoury 
kind. A minister was obhged to use self-interested 
agents whom, if he were a man like Carteret, he 
thoroughly despised, and could hardly be got to endure 
in his presence. A man like Walpole handled such 
tools with a sort of cynical good-humour, as if there 
were a kind of unmentioned but half-understood camar- 
aderie between them ; while a creature of the Bubb 
Dodington stamp would soil himself among them with 
a genial familiarity, accepting it as a first principle that 
dirt was matter in the rujht place. No English states- 


man of the day kept his hands so clean as Carteret ; no 
one suffered so much for having despised dirty effrontery 
and back-stairs bribery. But, under the first Hanover- 
ian sovereign of England, to have a friend at Court was 
for a minister almost a necessity of political existence ; 
and, so far, Carteret had to follow the fashion or deform- 
ity of the time. 

From Hanover, George brought with him to England 
two leading favourites who are inextricably entangled in 
the poHtical life of his reign. One of these Teutonic 
women is best remembered by the title of Countess 
of Darhngton ; a fierce-eyed, red-faced, intolerably fat 
woman — a really great character if size is to be the 
criterion. She was so ponderous that the amused English 
people compared her to an elephant and castle ; but 
George could stand a very large quantity of fat. Some 
of the Enghsh ladies of larger bulk, seeing the royal 
predilection that way, did what they could to increase 
the magnitude of their attractions. ' Some succeeded 
and others burst,' sneers Chesterfield, less unjustifiably 
than usual. They say that this overpowering Countess 
had been beautiful once, though now she had got into 
this mere giantess condition, finding all warm weather 
oppressive. The world has forgotten her in spite of her 
imperious influence in the Court of George I. How 
much did she weigh ? posterity asks with languid inter- 
est, and learns with the completest indifference that the 
amount is unknown. 

The other favourite, a woman of various German and 
English titles, still vaguely hangs on to memory as 
Duchess of Kendal. Physically, she was a great contrast 
to the Countess of Darhngton. Xot at all beautiful ; 
' a very tall, lean, ill-favoured old lady,' was Horace 
AValpole's boyish reminiscence of her. She was so tall. 


gauntj and scraggy that she was familiarly known as 
the ' Maypole.' Except for her insatiable appetite for 
money, in which the Darhngton fully equalled her, 
there was no particular harm in this simple old crea- 
ture. Her abihties were too trifling to require any 
mention. Chesterfiield plainly says that she was very 
little above an idiot. She was so complacently foohsh 
that her society was very attractive and soothing to 
George I. ; and, in spite of her deficiency in fat, her 
influence with him was considerably greater than her 
rival's. She was a Lutheran, with a reputation for piety 
of a sort ; painfully going seven times every Sunday to 
Lutheran chapels in London. More curious was the 
tinge of superstition in the Countess, who piously cher- 
ished a black raven which had flown in at her window 
soon after the King's death, and firmly believed that here 
was the soul of his departed majesty whom she was 
never more to see. ' Quoth the raven, Never more.' 

So exceedingly influential with the King were these 
ludicrously unprofitable German women, that states- 
men had to take the chances of their support or ill; 
will into their best and most serious consideration. 
In addition, therefore, to the politicians who were 
incHned to follow Carteret's lead, when the deaths of 
Sunderland and Stanhope left him as the chief repre- 
sentative of that section of the Whigs, it became 
necessary for Carteret to secure, if possible, the good- 
will of one of the two feminine favourites who swayed 
the King very much as they pleased. Carteret so far 
succeeded that he might reckon on the support of the 
Countess of Darlington, so long as it should not be her 
interest to favour any one else. But, on the other hand, 
the Duchess of Kendal was in a thorough understanding 
with Walpole and Townshend ; and the Duchess was 


more influential with the King than tlie Countess. 
Townshend, in view of the coming contest with Carteret, 
was particularly well satisfied with the state of this 
feminine question. In his letters to Walpole, the 
Duchess of Kendal was the ' Good Duchess,' their fast 
friend ; and he exultantly wrote from Hanover in Octo- 
ber 1723 : 'I beheve I may venture to say she reposes 
a more entire confidence in me at present than in any 
other person about the King.' So far, the brother- 
ministers might fairlj' congratulate themselves on their 
probabUities of success, with all the more malicious 
certainty when they remembered that the Duchess of 
Kendal, quite apart from her Court rivalry, had a priv- 
ate jealousy against the family to which the Countess of 
Darhngton belonged. 

It was over a rather contemptible afiair, more or less 
connected with these uninteresting denizens of a Court 
where there was no Queen, that the quarrel in the 
Enghsh ministry came to its crisis. 

A S^Yiss, Sir Luke Schaub, who had been the Earl of 
Stanhope's private secretary, and was Carteret's intimate 
friend, was at this period Enghsh ambassador at Paris. 
He had been appointed by Carteret, and was, therefore, 
suspiciously regarded by AValpole and Townshend. The 
want of harmony among the Enghsh ministers was, of 
course, known to Schaub ; and Dubois, who had become 
Prime ^Minister of France through Enghsh influence, 
was also perfectly aware of it. The three ministers — 
"Walpole, Townshend, and Carteret — had. indeed, united- 
ly signed a lettei- to Dubois, after the death of Sunder- 
land, and had formally announced their union and their 
desire to continue towards France the policy of Sun- 
derland and Stanhope ; but Carteret, writing to Schaub 
at the same time, had spoken plainly of the probabrHty 


of disagreements. He told Scliaub tliat he felt his 
position strong ; but he also declared himself resolved 
not to remain long united with his colleagues, if he were 
not fully persuaded of their good intentions.-' He 
refused, however, to believe that Walpole and Towns- 
hend meant to deal dishonestly with him.^ Schaub, 
on his side, naturally upheld at Paris the interest and 
influence of Carteret ; and Schaub's own weight with 
Dubois, which was a considerable guarantee for the con- 
tinuance of good relations between England and France, 
no doubt seemed to Carteret a guarantee also for his 
own safe position in the ministry. If, then, Walpole 
could weaken Carteret's influence here — could give a 
blow to Carteret's reputation at Paris, that would be to 
damage Carteret where he seemed to be most strono-, 
and to injure him in the place where he Avould feel it 
the most. Walpole resolved to try. 

One of the schemes which Schaub at Paris was anx- 
ious to carry out was a marriage between a niece of the 
Countess of Darhngton and a young French nobleman, 
son of the Marquis de la Vrilhere. The King of England 
was eager for tliis match; but one condition the 
Darhngton family imperatively desired. They insisted 
that the Marquis de la Yrilliere must be made a Duke. 
There was likely to be some difficulty in gaiuino- the 
assent of the French Court. George, who could not 
with dignity make such an apphcation to Louis XV. 
unless he knew that it would be at once granted, did 
actually himself write a letter requesting the promotion ; 
the letter only to be presented if success was certain. 
The negotiation was thrown into the hands of Schaub, 

' Orteret to Schaub; May 4, 172l', Brit. Mus. Sloane MSS. •4->04- 
fol. 66, v°. -• .- . 

2 Id. to id. Sloane MSS. 4,20i ; fol. 67, v°. 


and, necessarily, of Carteret, to whom, deep in the 
affairs of the Congress of Cambrai, the thing was 
doubtless as insignificant as it deserved to be. Yet 
this merely vulgar affair, a question concerning nothing 
more important than the lumbering. etiquette of a hand- 
ful of objectionable Teutonic people, served as well as 
anything else to overthrow an Enghsh statesman of 
genius, and firmly to secure Walpole in a position which 
he was to hold for nearly twenty years to come. 

The first check which Carteret received was the 
death of Cardinal Dubois in August 1723. Eumours of 
the disagreements between Carteret and Townshend at 
Hanover had already been floating in London and 
giving rise to various inconsistent conjectures. Some 
said that Carteret would soon be back in England to 
form, along with Walpole, a reorganised ministry ; 
others, that he was returning in disgrace. The death of 
Dubois, opening to the brother-ministers the possibility 
of procuring the recall of Schaub from Paris, gave them 
also a chance to make it clear to every one that it was 
Carteret who was in the weak position and whose poh- 
tical power was declining. If the ambassador who 
practically was Carteret's nominee, who was devoted to 
Carteret's interests, could be removed, a blow would 
be struck which every one would be able to appreciate, 
and all rumours of Carteret's superior influence with the 
King would be effectually contradicted. Walpole and 
Townshend accordingly began to make disparaging re- 
presentations of Schaub ; to assert that any influence 
which he might have had at Paris had been destroyed by 
the death of Dubois, and that to retain him in his embassy 
there would be damaging to the King's affairs. They did 
not dare flatly to ask Schaub's recall, but went about 
the thing in an intriguing way, which they thought was 


certain, sooner or later, to produce the desired result. 
A special incident helped them. On the death of 
Dubois, the Eegent Orleans recalled to Paris one Count 
Noce who had been banished by the influence of the 
Cardinal, but now returned to renewed perfect intimacy 
with the Regent. Carteret himself was rather anxious 
when he heard of this ; for Noce was on bad terms 
with Schaub, whose influence with Dubois he considered 
to have been the real caiise of his disgrace. Walpole 
and Townshend gladh' took advantage of this convenient 
occurrence. Townshend, at Hanover, suggested to the 
King that it would be well to send to Paris an envoy 
who with all discreetness, and concealing as far as he 
possibly could the real intention of his journey, should 
ascertain what Schaub's influence with the French Gov- 
ernment really was. But how could this be done with- 
out disgusting Carteret ? France was in his department ; 
any appointment to Paris was Carteret's affair. To avoid 
the chance of an open and premature quarrel, Towns- 
hend suggested that the thing should be managed as 
informally as possible. The envoy should not adopt a 
diplomatic character ; should not even go direct from 
Hanover to Paris, but should start from London with a 
supposed intention to make his way to Hanover, taking 
Paris only on his road, as if with merely private curiosity 
to see it . To explain a somewhat prolonged stay there, 
he should make pretence of visiting the neighbouring 
palaces and other objects of reasonable interest, in which 
an intelligent foreigner might naturally profess to find 
excusable attraction. And for this slightly ambiguous 
enterprise, Townshend very quietly proposed Horatio 
Walpole, Eobert Walpole's younger brother. 

This appointment, brought about without any pre- 
vious information to Carteret, was the second check 


which lie received, and Townsliend was very triumphant. 
A spy was about to be sent into Carteret'is own depart- 
ment, and Carteret had not even been consulted in the mat- 
ter. Other httle incidents, trifling in themselves, pointed 
towards the same zealous undermining of Carteret's 
position. On various small occasions Townshend did 
all he could to thwart Carteret at Hanover, opposing 
his recommendations, and endeavouring to weaken his 
influence. Yet Carteret seems to have taken it all good- 
humouredly enoiigh, and probably did not think the 
state of affairs too serious. Townshend, after one of 
his httle successes over his colleague, wrote home to 
Walpole — 'Perhaps you may have some curiosity to 
know what my good colleague's behaviour was upon 
this victory. We came home very lovingly together, 
and he was lavish on his old topic, how well he intended 
to live with you and me.' At the same time, Townshend 
evidently did not care to appear too confident; for he 
begged Walpole to mention these particulars to Xew- 
castle alone. ' Xothing would give his majesty greater 
offence than our making any such affair a matter of 
triumph, and the less we boast, the more we shall cer- 
tainly have to boast of Townshend was determined 
to have a great deal more to boast of. Hardly had 
Horatio Walpole started on his ambiguous mission when 
Townshend, having succeeded so far, thought he micrht 
with cheerful confidence go further. He sugoested that 
Walpole's position at Paris would be much improved if 
he had some credentials from the King. There was an 
easy excuse to make for this. The King of Portugal 
was about to join the Quadruple Alliance ; let Horatio 
Walpole, then, have full powers to manage from Paris 
the various formalities which such an occasion required. 
The King agreed ; spoke of it to Carteret as if it had been 


a thought of his own, and Carteret could not venture to 
opi)ose. But Townshend says that Carteret was ex- 
tremely mortified, and a duller man than he could 
easily have foreseen the end of all these little sli^ulits and 
irritations. Yet Townshend seems, with wisliful eager- 
ness, to have cxapgerated the effect which the appoint- 
ment of Horatio AValpole had on Carteret. He (l(>clared 
to the minister in London that Carteret had been 
perfectly astonished by the stroke. 'I never observed 
in him on any occasion such visible marks of despair.' 
In ascriljing despair to Carteret, Townshend was doubt- 
less wrong. Carteret might easily enough have been 
disgusted, and may very probably not have cared to 
conceal it — suspicious of his colleagues he had only too 
good reason to be; but despair, even in far more serious 
circumstances than these, was altogether out of Carter- 
I't's way. His own language shows that he knew well 
enough the plots which were being laid against him, 
but that he did not take them at all in the tragic 
manner which Townshend fancied he had perceived. 
^yriting of Horatio AVaJpole's appointment, Carteret 
said: '■ Cette nffuire ne )i)e cause point de j>ei)}e, quoiqiie 
uicf' collhjiLCS iiieiit ccrtainement quelque chose en tele en 
cef eijeird quils ne in'ont point e.rpUijxe, et peut-etre pus 
inane au roi. Voiis serez fort ntfentif a voir si Horatio 
Walpole tache me wiettre mal dans T esprit du Due d' Orleans 
et (III ('lante da Morville. lUals voiis vons (jarderez bien 
de liii laisser entreroir mes soupcons ou les I'otres, si votres.''^ 
Carteret M'as suspicious, but practically not much dis- 
turbed. It is almost amusing to see the precisely opposite 
views which he and Townshend took of their political 
circumstances. The very day after Carteret had written 

' Carteret to Schaub ; Oct. 24, 1723. Brit. Mus. Sloane MSS. 4,20i; 
fol. !)0-04, 



as above to Schaub, Towrisliend cheerfully told Walpole 
that his own interest with the King was daily rising, 
while that of Carteret ^\'as daily sinking.^ Before the 
year 1723 was ended Townshend wrote to his brother-in- 
law : ' I will venture to assure the Duke of Xcwr.-astle 
and you, that we have all reason to Ijc satisfied witli 
our Hanover exjjedition.' - A month later, Carteret, 
referring to rumours which represented his decline in 
influence, says to Schaub: 'AH the reports to which 
you allude are false. I have mentioned them to the 
King, who expressed as much kindness as ever, and the 
same approbation of my conduct, and of my zealous 
though feeble services. . . My colleagues instead of 
attacking have courted me for some time past.''^ 

Quite apart from the personal relations of Carteret 
and Townsliend at Hanover, the position of Schaub and 
Horatio Walpole at Paris soon became emljarrassing 
and ridiculous. It was impossible to keep up the pre- 
tence that Walpole was there out of mere private 
curiosity. A diplomatic person sniffing about the 
sights of Paris, and doing mere innocent dilettantism, 
was something more than absurd, and could impose on 
no one. Every one understood that it was a trial of 
strength between the two men. Schaub, on his side, 
was naturally mortified that anv one should have been 
sent at all, especially one of Walpole's social position 
and ministerial connection^. His letters to Carteret are 
full of the disgust he not unnaturally felt. On the 
otlier liand, Walpole Avrote that Schaub had lijst all 
mfluence with the Duke of Orleans ; that to ti'ct tlie 

' MSS. of Kail of Ashljuniham; Ili,-t. !^JSS. Commi.-isi.jii. Pn'i). VIII. 
pail HI., p. 4. 

- Coxe, n'alpnb', II. L'f).-,, D.jc. 0, \7■l■■^^. 

' C';irleret tu S-chaub ; .Jan. 8, ITl'l. IJrit. Mut. .Vdd. AJSS :i 101 • 
fol. 1':); 


debired dukedom "was impossible ; that tlie ambassador 
was in no wa}" fitted for liis post. Yet the brother- 
ministers could not oet Srhaub recalled. Horatio 
Walpole soon began to feel his ])()sition intolerable. 
Whenever he and Schaub a])peared in public louether 
people laug'hed in an amused, half-puzzled fashion, 
hardly knowing which was amlxassador and which was 
not. That Walpole had actually come was presump- 
tive e\'idence in his favour, but that 8chaub did not go 
was actual evidence in his. People were perplexed ; 
Walpole was annoyed, and even beginning to feel 
angry. Carteret, according to the King's commands, 
had sent him credentials, but Walpole declared that 
lie would not use them. He even took ofience at the 
harmless letter with which Carteret accompanied the 
documents. ' His letter, by-the-bye, was the most drj-, 
not t( I say the most impertinent, I ever received from 
a Secretaiy of State to a minister,' wrote Walpole to 
his brother in a slightly ungrammatical manner ; ' but 
that don't trouble me at all.' Surely official Horatio 
could hardl)^ have expected lyrical congratulations from 
Carteret, and as a matter of fact the letter, which was 
a formal one only, had nothing in it with which 
Walpole, if he had not been in a state of querulous 
irritation, could have found any fault. But Walpole, 
who had a very considerable estimation of his own 
diplomatic abilities and self-importance, was annoyed 
to find that the simple fact of his appearance on the 
scene did not at once bring about the result which he 

Yet even second-rate diplomatists of an irritable 
turn of mind get wliat they want if they will only wait 
long enough for it. To Walpole, waiting to drop easily 
into a desirable appointment, the delay was undoubtedly 


provokingly long. Carteret's influence was so great 
that impetuous action was out of the question. There 
was even a rumour tliat Carteret himself would take 
the post of ambassador at Paris — a possible removal of 
S(?.haub which to Walpole must have seemed nothing 
short of tragic. But the end of AValpole's anxieties 
came at last. The Regent Orleans had died in Decem- 
ber, and had been succeeded by the Duke of Bourbon. 
The new Regent, who at first spoke vaguely, at length 
definitely declared that to grant the dukedom to the 
]\Iarquis de la Vrilliere Avas absolutely impossible. Yet 
so powerful was Carteret's influence that even this was 
not enough to procure the recall of Schaub. Towns- 
hend therefore resolved on a decisive step. He in- 
structed Horatio Walpole to write home a despatch 
asserting that Schaub was an obstacle to the efficient 
performance of the King's business, and urging his im- 
mediate recall. This letter was written by Walpole in 
^larch 1724, and brought the long contest to an end. 
Schaub was recalled in April, and the fall of Carteret 
was the necessarj- consequence. 

The brother-ministers had carried their point, but 
their success, though very considerable, was far from 
complete. They were not able to remove Carteret's 
pohtical adherents from their official ])0sts, and they 
were not able to get rid of Carteret himself altogether. 
He ceased to be Secretary of State, and, as if it were 
desired to empha-ise the fact that it was a man of 
genius who had been removed, the Duke of Xewcastle 
was appointed to succeed him. But to dismiss Carteret 
altogether was what his rivals could not venture to do. 
Townshend wrote to the Duke of Grafton, at that time 
Lord-Licutenant of Ireland, that to remove Carteret 
without giving him a considerable equivalent was 


simply impossible, and lie politely informed Grafton 
that lie must make 'svay for the fallen Secretary. In 
Dublin, Carteret would give Walpole less cause for 
alarm than anywhere else. He would be, for half the 
year at least, removed from the Court and from London 
political life ; and this was a great consideration to 
ministers who dreaded Carteret's remarkable personal 
influence, and the special friendship and approbation 
with -which the King treated him. Carteret's forced 
resignation was by no means to the satisfaction of the 
King, and when, a few days afterwards, he was ap- 
pointed Lord-Lieutenant of L'eland, George told him that 
if he had had anything better to offer him he should have 
had it.^ The night after the ministerial changes were 
announced, tlie King spoke for half an hour to Carteret 
in the drawing-room, and had hardly a word for any 
other person.''' Considerable doubt was soon current 
whether Carteret, though named Lord-Lieutenant, would 
ever go to Ireland at all. It did not seem at all un- 
likely that he might soon be restored to office Avith 
even more power than he had had before. Even the 
limited amount of self-congratulation with which WaL 
pole and Townshend might perhaps cheer themselves 
was reckoned by many political onlookers as decidedly 
premature. Carteret's friends were sanguine. ' Ilis 
enemies would be very glad to see his back turned, and 
they begin to find they have gained no strength by the 
late change. He is certainly as well if not better than ever 
with the King ; constant in his attendance at Court, and 
supported by almost all the foreign powers.' ^ Carteret's 

' Papers of W, King, Archbishop of Dublin. Hist. MSS. Commission ; 
Report II. 235. 

■= St. John Brodrick to Lord Chancellor Midleton ; April 14, 1724 
Ooxe, Walpole, II. 389. 

s Brodrick to Midleton ; April 29, 1724. Add. MSS. 9,245 ; fol. 13-14. 


own dispusition wa^ always hopefully sanguine, but it 
does not &eeni that on this occa.'-ion he shared the too 
confident expectations of some of his political adherents. 
The only remaining fragment of personal evidence 
rather shows that he judged the situation quite im- 
partially, and recf)gnised the facts as tliey were. Ke 
did not pretend to deny that 'W'alpole and Townshend 
had ]jlaved the political game ungenerously and un- 
fairly ; he comjjlained .much of the way in which 
Townshend had treated him at Hanover, and especially 
of the unjust and intriguing interposition of Horatio 
Walpole at Paris ; but he recognised that though the 
fair rules of the game had been broken the play was 
over, and he had lost. He took his defeat with his 
usual good-humour, simply saying that as he had no 
political obligations to Townshend he would never, as 
Secretar}^ of State, have consented to be Townshend's 
mere subordinate, and, for the rest, that he had no 
quarrel with the ministers who had beaten him, and 
would do nothing to oppose their measures.^ In this 
good-natured frame of mind, relieved from the annoy- 
ances as well as from the responsibilities of an office in 
which he had' been very Ijadly treated, he remained 
in England for six months more, till the ^eriou.?ly 
threatening condition of Iiish public affairs called him 
to new duties and difficulties in Dublin. 

' ^^tepben Tovntz to Horatin \\ alpole, April '>. iri'4. Add. MSS. 
9,1.51 ; fo!. l.jO. 



1 724-17-10, 

While Walpole and Tovvnslieiid had thus in lT-i3 and 
1724: devoted themselves to intrigne against Ciarteret in 
London and at Hanover, Walpole's OAvn Government 
in Ireland had involved itself in serions difRcnlties. True 
to hi.s constant practice of sacrificing men, policy, and 
principles to his oAvn personal hold on power, Wal- 
pole, fearfnl of offending the Duchess of Kendal, was 
now pushing forward an Irish scheme in which he him- 
self had no particular interest. He, probably, even 
disapproved it ; but the favourite Duchess was espe- 
cially solicitous, and Walpole was not inclined to irritate 
or alienate her. For two years the relations between 
England and Ireland were strained almost to the break- 
ing point, because the Duchess of Kendal was ravenously 
fond of money, and Walpole could not personally afford 
to annoy her. 

For some time there had been a great want of cop- 
per coin in Ireland. There was no doubt about this ; 
fc^wift in his Brapiers Letters admits it. While Lord 
Sunderland was still minister, the coinage question was 
under consideration ; and as Ireland had no mint of its 
own, various proposals were made in England for 
remedying the Irish want. Nothing was agreed upon 


during Sunderland's life-time ; but in 1723, when 
Walpole ^vas at the head of affairs, a Wolverhampton 
iron-founder, named Wood, obtained a patent to coin 
copper money for Ireland to the value of 108,000/. 
Perhaps tliere was nothing unusnal about such a pro- 
ceeding, but on tliis particular or-raiion everything was 
mismanaged, and went wrong from the first. The 
scheme was not clearly explained to the Irish people ; 
the leading men in Ireland were not even consulted 
about it. Before the coin could be got into circulation, 
murmurs of discontent came from Ireland. Wood was 
disliked as a foreigner ; he was vain, impudent, brag- 
Ldng. He was a rich man of business ; but Swift never 
wearied in contemptuouslj- insulting him. In the profuse 
vocabulary of Swift's Draplers Ddter^^ Wood was a 
vile fellow, a mean ordinarj^ man, a hardware dealer, a 
sorry fellow, a little impudent hardwareman, a diminu- 
tive insirrnificant mechanic. In the title of one of his 
broadside poems, Swift called him ' brazier, tinker, 
hardwareman, coiner, founder, and esquire.' The angry 
feelings roused by this unlucky scheme were further 
excited by the rumour that this unknown Enghshman 
owed his patent to mere corruption, and that the 
condition of his contract implied a sulsstantial bribe 
to one of the Hanoverians, the insatiable Duche-s of 
Kendal. Soon the general cry insisted that the coin 
was l^ad, and would ruin the shop keepers and poor 
people who ^\'ould be forced to accept it ; Avhile from 
better-instructed persons came the more weighty 
objection that the amount of the proposed coina^re was 
absurdly large, and out of all proportion to the currency 
of gold and silver in Ireland. Passion and argument 
were very strangely mixed throughout the course of the 
whole affair. 


The agitation in Ireland had become very general 
and embittered, when the Lord-Lieutenant, the Duke of 
Grafton, landed at Dublin in August 17-3, after his 
usual yearly visit to England. He found that the ques- 
tion of the coinage was the universal subject of conver- 
sation and complaint. Irishmen who in all otlier 
mattei-s were very well affected to the English Govern- 
ment had not a word to say in defence of the patent, 
or if they had, they dared not open their lips to hint 
approval. Grafton instantly took alarm, and foresaw 
an inevitably troubled parliamentary session. From the 
vei-y first he predicted to Walpole that the affair would 
end in a manner disagreeable to both of them.^ When 
the Irish Houses met in September, the temper of the 
members was so evident that Grafton, fearing bad re- 
sults if he should refer to the matter in the terms of his 
instructions from England, made no mention of it at all 
in his opening speech to parliament. But when he 
attempted to hinder parliament itself from inquiring 
into the patent which tlie English Government had 
granted, he found his task hopeless. He could not 
prevail upon a single member to support the Govern- 
ment view of the question, or to oppose parliamentary 
examination of it. lie could get no better promise from 
any one than that members would discuss the matter in 
a decent and respectful wa}^ From some he could not 
get e\'eu so little satisfaction as this. He told Walpole 
that while the Irish Lord Chancellor, Midleton, was 
giving daily assurances of mildness and moderation, his 
son, Mv. Brodrick, was moving or supporting the most 
peevish resolutions, and making the most inflaming 
s}>eeclies : — 

'The son was yesterday overheard to sav (after 

1 Graftouto Walpole ; Aug. -2^, 17:23. 5ISS. Eecm-.l Office. 

' ) 


he Lad used ^nxun very odd ex])r(_'ssii)iis in a debate 
about addressing for some papers) tluit nobody was to 
great in another kingdom to be reached for what he 
]iad done in prej iidir-e to tliis ; for that a first minister 
in En;jland liud been impeached upon grievances com- 
plained of by this nation. You see wliat an unhappy 
'■ituation I am in here. I am labouring from morning 
to night under the greatest difficulties and uneasine-^^, 
and fear at last that the event will be very far from 
being agreeable either to you or myself.'^ 

Far from leaving the matter witliout parliamentary 
notice, the Irish Houses took it up Avith cheerful anger. 
A call of the House of Commons was ordered, and in 
Committee resolutions were adopted which declared 
that the patent was unjust and ruinous, and had been 
obtained Ijy misrepresentation and fraud. Grafton 
announced this unpleasant proceeding in a letter Avhicli 
was too much for AValpole's usuall}' unruffled good- 
humour. It was well that things were no worse, Graf- 
ton rather meekly said. Wliat might not have happened 
if Brodrick and the more violent spirits had had their 
way ! They would have insisted upon resolutions full 
rif bitterness ; perhaps, even, have demanded a vote 
of censure on tliose ministei's who had advised the 
King to gi-ant this patent. But all that had been over- 
ruled. AVal[)ole was exceedingly annoyed by what he 
reckoned Grafton's indifferent and cowardlv excuse for 
so serious an attack upon the Government. As Sec- 
retary of State, AValpole refused to write a Avord to tlie 
Lord-Lieutenant on his conduct and management ; but 
in a private letter he told him that the difference nf 
their views on this matter could not ])<is^iblybe oreatei- 
A Vote of i-ensin-e. murmured T+rafton, liad Ijeen avoided : 

' Grafton to Waliiole ; S.-pt. 14, lr2:',. M<,<.. IVfi.rd IjIIIch. 


•A notable performance! ... I know very well 
what these thing.s mean in an Enghsh parliament, but 
I suppose you talk another language in Ireland. But 
let that pass. I have weathered great storms before 
now, and .-^hall not be lost in an Irish hurrieane. And 
when I am lost [I hope] that those who are insensil)le 
of such unjust scandal heaped upon me will not know 
the want of me. And I give your Grace my word, 
when this comes to be retorted upon you, as much 
as I am hurt, I will not be indifferent. . . If Brod- 
rick attacked, nobody defended. . . . And what is still 
more, you seem to think that we must here give in to it 
too. Where is then the great crime to start a question 
in parliament, so very popular that nobody there dared 
to oppose, and when it comes to be considered here again, 
the ministry who passed the grant must confess that 
there was just cause of complaint ! . . . Pray don't do 
in this, as you have in every other step, stay till all is 
over and then speak. '^ 

Walpole was thoroughly angr)- ; and many other 
letters, reproachfully complaining on Walpole's side, 
apologising and explanatory on Grafton's, passed between 
the two. Grafton defended himself against the chai'ge 
of indifference tuAValpole's friendslup, and lukewarmness 
in support of the administration. At great length he 
justified all he had done at every stage of the coinage 
question, but ended Ijy declaring that he did not know 
what to advise. ' I wish to God I was able to advise 
. . what is proper to be done in the present situation 
of allaii-s. It is above my reach. ... In the English 
storms you have weathered, I never endeavoured or 
desired to get lii'st to shore, nor could I imagine that 
in an Irish huri'icane I could have any view of safety 

' Walpole tn Griifton ; Oct. -■:. 17l';{. MSS. llecuid Otfice. 


where j'ou are in danger.' ^ But Walpole was not much 
moUified by Grafton's elaborate defence ; and in an 
earher private letter, he had been exceedingly severe : — 
' Furgive me . . . if I tell you I do not wonder at all 
that nobody appears in defence of the King's patent 
when you think it advisable to write and express your- 
self in the manner you do. ... I shall wonder at nothing 
that shall happen upon this occasion. . . . The parlia- 
ment under your administration is attacking a patent al- 
ready passed in favour of whom and for whose sake alone 
you know very well. Will it be for the service to suffer 
an indignity in that vein ? The patent was passed by 
those that you have been hitherto looked upon as pretty 
nearly engaged witli in that public capacity ; are they 
no longer worth your care or trouble ? It was passed 
under the particular care and direction of one upon 
Avhom the first reflection must fall, that never yet was 
indifferent where you was concerned. . . . Does your 
Grace think you will be thought to make a glorious 
campaign, if by compounding for this you should be 
able to carry all the other business through without 
much difficulty? ... I never knew more care taken 
upon any occasion than in passing this patent. I am 
still satisfied it is very well to be supported. What 
remedy tlie wisdom of Ireland ^\•iU find out for tliis sup- 
posed grievance I am at a loss to guess, and upon whom 
the consefjuence of this Irish sturm will fall most heavily 
I will not say. I shall have my share, but if I am not 
mistaken there are others that will not escape. I hope 
your Grace is not mistaken Avhen you are persuaded to 
be thus indifferent. TTiere are some people that think 
they are ever to fatten at the expense of other men's 
labours and cliaracter-, and be- tliciuM'lves the must 

1 Grafton to Walpole ; Oct. 19, ITiiC. MSS. RecMi-d Office. 


righteous fine gentlemen. It is a species of mankind 
that I own I detest. But I'll say no more ; and if your 
Grace thinks I have said too much I am sorry for it ; 
but mark the end.' ^ 

Grafton no doubt thought that Walpole had said too 
much by far ; and further letters, following this suf- 
ficiently emphatic one, thoroughly annoyed the Duke. 
Townshend wrote to Grafton a letter of remonstrance 
so passionately expressed that AValpole judged it impru- 
dent to send it, but he hardly took the sting out of 
Townshend's angry rebuke when he told Grafton that 
though he had burnt the letter he perfectly agreed Avith 
it. Walpole was always merciless in crushing anything 
like insubordination in members of his Government, and 
on this particular occasion his business instinct was 
offended by the rather limp procedure of one whom lie 
plainly called a mere fair-weather pilot. He was further 
embittered by the belief that tlie Irish opposition to the 
patent rested vcr}" considerably on the knowledge that 
there were divisions in the Government in England, and 
on the belief that Carteret must prevail over the ministers 
who were plotting against him. Walpole was not at all 
disposed to yield, but felt himself in embarrassing diffi- 
culties. For while he was scolding the Lord-Lieutenant 
and fretting against the Secretary of State, the resolu- 
tions and addresses of the Irish parliament were on their 
way to Carteret at Hanover, to be presented to the Kinrr. 
Grafton had implored that the answers might not be of 
a kind to further irritate the nation. It was indispcnsal )lo 
for Walpole to get the Irish Money Bill through tlic- 
Irisli parliament, yet that parliament had declared that 
till the patent was disposed of it would tnuch nn other 
busniess whatever. AValpole was determined not to 

' Walpole to Grafton; Sept. 24, 1720. MSS. Record OfBce. 


admit either that the patent in itself was what the Irish 
represented it to be, or that the King in granting it had 
in any way overstepped his authority and prerogative. 
Yet if tlie King's reply should fail to satisfy the Irish 
nation, the whole Irish Government would probably be 
thrown into confusion. Walpole was douljtless mucli 
di-gusled, but in the circumstanfes he could do nothing 
but recommend a conciliatory answer. By his advice 
the King's reply expressed regret for the uneasiness 
which had been caused in Ireland, and promised that if 
any abuses had been committed by the patentee AVood 
they should te inquired into and punished. From 
Hanover, in Xovember 172-3, Carteret sent royal answers 
in this sense to Grafton ; and the Irish parliament, 
thanking the King, and as-uming that the whole thing 
was practically at an end, voted the supplies for the 
customary two years, and broke up, not to meet again 
till the autumn of 1725. 

Tlie royal promise was kept, with a result verv 
different from the expectations of the Iri-li parliament. 
A committee of the Privy Council investigated the Irish 
complaint'^. Sir Isaac Xewton. Master of the Mint, ex- 
amined specimens of Wood's coinage ; and in July 1724 
the committee produced its report, drawn up by "Walpole 
himself. The committee found that the conditions of 
the patent had been ob-crved. that the coin was good, 
and was needed in Ireland ; but recommended tliat the 
])roposed amount sliould be much reduced, and that 
4l),fJIJ(J/. sliovdd be tlie utmost value which the patentee 
sliould be allowed to coin. 

Tliis report wa- sent to Dublin, but it only exasperated 
a strife whicli had seemed about to die awav. The 
imwi=e patentee boa-ted over his ser-ininiT sui .f s^. He 
declared, or it suited Swift to nssert that lie declared 


that his coin sliould be s\vallowed in fire-balls, and that 
AValpole would cram his money-bau's down the throats 
of the people. But far more fatal for Walpole and the 
Duchess of Kendal than Wood's noisy l)ra<iging was the 
terrible appearan<.-e of Swift. With a personal grudge 
against Walpole, and a detestation of evei'ything Whig- 
gisli, .Swift seized an opportunity ready-made to Ids 
hand. As a Dublin ti'adesnian quietly writing his sim- 
ple D rapier s iMters to his fellow-shopkeepers of Ireland, 
he produced a storm 1 )ef< ire whicli England was forced 
unwillingly to yield. And it was when this storm was 
at its ver\' highest and auQ-riest that Carteret landed in 
Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. 

Tlie position Avhieli Carteret now held was n(_it in 
an}' case a vtiry attractive one, and the special (drcum- 
stances in which he accepted it did not gift it witli any 
unusual charm. Carteret was about to undertake a 
difficult and rathci- thankless piece of work, and some 
at least of his colleagues positively hoped that liis work 
might fail. Wlicii Walpole and Townsliend began to 
understand that the Irish opposition to the English 
patent was really serious, their jealous suspicion readil)'- 
cominced itself that Carteret in some way or other must 
be connected with this. Carteret was on terms of pri- 
vate friendship Avith tln^ Brodiicks, a leading AVliio- 
family in Ireland, but Ih-ndy opposed to the Whig Wal- 
])ole on the coinage question. AVhile ToAvnshend and 
Carteret Avere Avith the King on the continent, one of tin; 
Biodrick family arrived at IlauoAcr in the autumn ol' 
17-0. AValpole and Townshend both a.ssumed that his 
object Avas to intrigue Avitli Carteret agamst them. ' Loi'd 
Cartei-et, in this attack, has different views,' AA'alpole 
Avi-olc to Townsliend ; 'he slurs the Duke of r^rafton, he 
thugs dirt upon me, Avho passed the patent, and make> 


somebody [the Duchess of Kendal] uneasy, for whose 
sake it was done ; and this is one of the instances wherein 
those that think themselves in danger begin to be upon 
the offensive.'^ Yet beyond the fact that Carteret knew 
the Erodricks and that the Brodricks were against the 
patent, there is positively no evidence to justify Walpole's 
suspicion. Such evidence as there is points rather the 
other way, and goes to prove that Carteret held himself 
cjuite apart from a thing which as yet did not especially 
concern him. AVlieu the addresses of the Irish parha- 
ment were forwarded to him at Hanover, he wrote in 
reply to Grafton that he had placed them before the 
King ' in the most effectual manner that I was able, con- 
sidering that I had no knowledge of this affair, until it 
was taken up by each House of Parhament.'^ Wlien 
Carteret and Townshend spoke on the question together, 
Carteret said that as the coinage was an inherent prero- 
gative of the Crown, he did not see what either House 
could have to object to it. Six months later than this, 
when Carteret, already officially Lord-Lieutenant of 
Ireland, was stiU in London, the very Brodrick family 
with whom he was suj)posed to be intriguing are wit- 
nesses that he Avas holding himself C|uite apart from 
interference on either side. St. John Brodrick, writincr 
to Lord Chancellor Midletou in April 1724, and acknow- 
ledging Carteret's very great persr)nal khidncss. savs of 
the coinage dispute : ' Our friend seems resolved to be 
perfectly passive in this affair.'^ Carteret, indeed, far 
from cabalhngwith ]\Iidleton and his relati(_ins. had four 
montlis before the date of this letter privately informed 
Grafton that the King was so displeased with the Lord 

' Coxe, Walpole, II, 276.277, Oct, 12, 172-3, 

" Brit. Mils. Add. MSS, 22,.'24 ; fol. .'JO. 

' Brit. Mufi. -Vdd, MS.s, 0,24.' : fol. 1.^. ]4. April 20 ]7'4 


Chancellor's conduct that he intended to deprive him 
of the seals. 

Carteret became Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in 
April 1724 ; and though, as Brodrick wrote, he was 
personally passive, in the matter of the patent, it then 
became his official duty to attempt a solution of this 
much-vexed question. It is interesting to note that the 
proposal which he made, though it was disapproved by 
the other ministers and objected to by the King, was 
precisely the one which in the end was adopted, to the 
complete justification of Carteret's common-sense states- 
manship. Carteret always looked upon facts as they 
really were. So late as August 1724, after the affair 
had been in serious agitation for more than a year, 
Newcastle -wrote that the King and his ministers were at 
a great loss what to do. They were full of querulous 
insistence that the patent must be maintained, while at 
llie same time the}' Avere distressed and irritated to see 
that the government officials in Ireland entirely failed 
lo Avin the conseut of the Irish people or parliament. 
But Carteret saw clearly and jiroposed boldly. It was 
already plain to him that the patent must be surrendered, 
and he expressed his views to Townshend and Newcastle, 
Ireland, he said in his homely idiomatic style, might 
very well pay the fiddler, and, in return for the com- 
plete cancelling of the formally sanctioned scheme, 
miglit award AVood some fair compensation for his 
])ecuniary loss. This is exactly what was afterwards 
dmie ; but Newcastle and Townshend considered sucli a 
p)-o])Osal sheer absurdity. The affair, tliey said, was no 
longer a mere question of coinage and patents ; it con- 
cerned the honour of the King and of the nation. They 
would not hsten to Carteret's proposal ; neither did the 
King approve it. But one practical measure the King 



did desire. Little as it was to his taste to sacrifice Carte- 
ret, lie now wished that Carteret should go to Ireland 
as soon as possible. This Avas also Walpole's view. 
Walpole firmly beheved that the Irish officials, Lords- 
Justices, and others, had been plotting against the 
scheme which it was their official duty to promote, and 
he thought it worse than hopeless to trust to their con- 
duct any longer. He therefore wished that the new Lord- 
Lieutenant should go over at once, since everything 
must now depend on what Carteret might do or advise. 
Carteret promptly agreed, and arrived in Dubhn on 
October 23, 1724. 

Newcastle, of course, professed friendship, and of 
course professed it perfidiously. On the 8th of Septem- 
ber he wrote to Carteret, repeating his facile and frequent 
assurances of support and assistance. In the same 
month Xewcastle wrote also to Horatio Walpole, 
exulting over Carteret s departure from England, and 
maliciously anticipating his possible failure. ' Lord 
Carteret,' wrote Xewcastle in an early specimen of the 
duplicity with which he constantly treated Carteret, ' is 
contrary to his wish sent to Ireland, to quell the disturb- 
ances he has himself fomented. This you may imagine 
is no eas)' task for him, and possibly may end in— — .'^ 
There is nothing mysterious in the blank left in New- 
castle's treacherous letter. Failure, disgrace, ruin ; the 
strongest of these Avords would have filled up the gap 
to Xewcastlo's complete satisfaction. Townsheud's feel- 
ings were very mucli the same. If a letter -uppo-ed to 
be liis is really so, ToAvn^Iiend wa* capable of behoving 
tliat Carteret had condescended to dehberate lyinjr about 
his coiincrtion with Ireland.- Carteret cannot have 

' Brit. iXus. Add. MSS. tMoi' ; fol. 1.3C,. Sept I'll 17-^4 
• Brit. AIu=. Ad.J, Mss. 11,24.0; W, 3S Au-. i>.J,'lr24,' 


deceived himself; it was too clear that though he was the 
nominal colleague of Walpole and Townshend and ISTew- 
castle, he must expect support only from himself. But 
he undertook his task with his usual courage. Before 
starting, he wrote to Newcastle with a frank openness, 
which the most treaclierous of politicians by no means 
deserved : — 

' I give your Grace a thousand thanks for the com- 
fort of your letter in your own hand, in which you 
assure me of your Grace's protection and also of my 
Lord Townsliend's. I will endeavour to deserve it, and 
I am sure your Grace is too just to measure services 
only l)y the success of them. In full confidence that 
}'ou will set my good intentions and zeal for his ma- 
jesty's service from time to time in a true light, I shall 
cheerfully proceed. . . . AVe drank your health, as well 
as that of all the Pelliams in the world.' ^ 

On the same date Carteret wrote to a subordinate 
official friend : — 

'Cerlainty of success is in nobody's power; how- 
ever, I'll do my best, and it is not the first difficult 
commission that I have been employed in. Often goes 
the pitcher, &c., says the old pi'overb, but it frightens 
me not ; and if I am to have the fate of the pitcher, 
people shall lament me, and say I deserved better luck. 
There are some people in Ireland who say they are my 
friends. I shall now see what lliey will do, or can 
do. To both their ci'Ue and their posse I am as yet a 
stranger. ' - 

Carteret's arrival was anxiously expected by the 
leading men in Dubhn. It was universally hoped that 
the new Lord-Lieutenant ^\'ould at once declare the 

• Sept. 10, 17l>4. MSS. Record Office. 


patent cancelled. Already in April, the month of Car- 
teret's appointment, his old friend Su-ift, at the request 
of many influential persons in Ireland, had written 
hoping that Carteret would do Avhat he could for their 
relief; and Carteret had rephed, unable to say anything 
very definite, but recognising the unanimous feeling of 
the Irish people. ' I hope the nation AviU not suffer by 
my being in this great station ; and if I can contribute 
to its prosperity, I shall think it the honour and happi- 
ness of my life.' AVhen the date of Carteret's arrival 
Avas drawing near, Swift wrote again : — 

' AVe are here preparing for your reception, and for 
a quiet session under your government ; but whether 
you approve the manner, I can only guess. It is by 
universal declarations against Wood's coin. One thing 
I am confident of, that your Excellency will find and 
leave us under dispositions very different, towards vour 
person and high station, from what have appeared to- 
wards others.' 

Carteret landed on October 23, 1724 ; and Ijy bring- 
ing Lady Carteret and his daughter with him was 
thought to meditate a long stay. ' He looks weU and 
pleased,' wrote one who saw him that first dav : ' but 
liow long he may continue so I know not. AVe seem 
here bent upon our own ruin.'^ The fir-t few davs of 
Carteret's re-idence in Ireland were mainly occupied 
with the usual comphmentary ceremonial^. He was 
exceedingly well received, and ('specially delighted the 
University and the citizens of Dubhn by his replies 
to their congratulations. But what would he sav 
about the coinage ? That wa- the one question wliich 
t'vrry (ine wa> a'^king. ' Ma-ter AVood's In'a-s inunoy ' 

' Do«-ne=, Biohop of Meath, to ^"icolsoD, Biihop of Derrr. Xicol^on;; 
Curitiijiriidente, II. .>rl'i. 


was the sole subject of universal interest. The day 
after Carteret's arrival, the Dublin bankers published a 
declaration that they would neither receive nor utter 
any of Wood's coin. Carteret would make himself the 
darling of the nation, wrote an Irisli Judge to the Irish 
Secretary of State, if he would rid the people of the 
patent.^ Carteret himself, to whom Ireland was a new 
field, intended to say nothing on either side till he had 
made his own investigations on the spot. He seems at 
once to have repeated the assurance that the Govern- 
ment had never thought to force the coin upon any 
persons who might be unwilling to accept it ; but 
■whether the patent was to be maintained or cancelled 
was a question on whirh at present he had absolutely 
nothing to say. His first business was to examine the 
situation and find out for himself the temper of the 
people and their leaders; till he had done this, he 
intended to make no mention of the vieA\'s of the 
ministers in London, or of his own private and personal 
opinions. Unfortunately, however, on his very arrival 
he found himself compelled to a special j'^roceedinc)- 
which the excitedly anxious people interpreted as evi- 
dence that Carteret was against them. Carteret had 
been in Dublin a very few hours, when what he him- 
self called an ' unforeseen accident ' forced unwelcome 
business into his hands. Three of the too well known 
Di'ii/iier's Letter.^ had appeared before Cartci-ct arrived 
in Ii'chand. The fourth and most famous of the series 
was published on the day of his landing, and was 
being cried throiigli the streets and even sold within 
the gates of the Castle, while Carteret was on liis way 
to take the oaths as Lord-Lieutenant. His first o-reetino- 

• Dr. Coghill to Rt. Hon. E. Southwell; Oct. 31, 1724. Add. :MS8 . 
21,1 1'2; fol. 20, 21. 


in Ireland was the jingling of AVood's half-pence : a 
fact upon Avhicli Swift congratulated himself witli inet- 
ricul satisfaction. Carteret perhaps did not on his first 
day in Ireland see his old friend's manifesto ; but it was 
l)roii,iiht to him on the following day, and, whether he 
liked the duty or not, his official position compelled 
him to take serious notice of it. Carteret of course 
knew that Swiit was the author of the Draplers Letters ; 
it was equally of course that political differences could 
not interrupt the private friendship of Swift and Car- 
teret. In this fourth Letter itself, which practically was 
an indictment of the English Government in Ireland, 
Swift took occasion to speak highly of the new Lord- 
Lieutenant : — • 

' I speak with the utmost respect to the person 
and dignity of his Excellency the Lord Carteret, whose 
character w^as lately gi\'en me by a gentleman Swift 
himself in disguise] that has known him from his first 
appearance in the world. That gentleman describes 
him as a young nobleman of great accomplishment-, 
excellent learning, regular in his life, and of much spirit 
and vivacity. He has since, as I have heard, been 
employed abroad; was principal Secretary of State; 
and is now, about the thirty-seventh year of his age 
[Carteret was really only thirty-four], appointed Lord- 
Lieutenant of Ireland. From such a governor this king- 
dom may reasonably hope for as much prosperity as, 
under so many discouragement*, it can be capable of 
receiving.' ^ 

But Carteret wa- a member of the English Govern- 
ment as well as Swift's friend. Whatever might be his 
own personal opinion in this particular dispute between 
England and Ireland, liis first official duty was to pre- 
' Swift, rr«/;.s vi. 442. 


serve order and promote L lyally ; and as soon as Car- 
teret Lad read the Drapier's fourth Letter, he told Lord 
Chancellor jMidleton tliat it struck at the dependency 
of Ireland on the throne of Great Britain. Midleton, 
■\\dio had not cared to conceal from AValpole his objec- 
tions to tlie patent, though lie declined to make himself 
responsible for his sun's violent proceedings against it 
in Parliament, had not yet seen the Letter ; but when 
CarteiTt spoke so seriously of it, he at once carefnllj' 
read it, and frankly confessed that he thought it liighly 
seditious. He agreed with Carteret that it C(juld not 
be passed over unnoticed. Carteret, who was anxious 
to discover the real temper and disposition of the lead- 
ing officials in Ireland, resolved to sunnnon the Trivy 
Council and discuss the whole cpieslion witli them. 

Carteret had not yet been a ^vcck in Ireland when 
he met the Privy Council, the late Lords Justices, and 
the Judges on this important matter. He delivered his 
thouglits to them, as he himself says, very freel}'. But 
the unquestionable legality of the patent, a point on 
which he insisted, was not his main point. The popu- 
lar outcry against the coinage sclicme was no-w being 
artfully employed to weaken Irish feelings of allegiance, 
and to encourage Irish rebellion against English rule. 
The Drapier's fourth Letter was a concrete instance of 
this. Carteret, therefore, proposed that its author, 
printer, and publisher should be proscaited. 

After some debate, this proposal was accepted ; and 
Carteret, anxious not to run the risk of fresh difficul- 
ties in a second Council, insisted that the necessary 
proclamation should be drawn up at once. One or 
two of the members, among them WiUiani King, Arch- 
bishop of Dubhn, doubted the expediency of these 
measures. They feai'cil that the people. disregardin<T 


legal and constitutional subtleties, would insist on see- 
ing in the prosecution of the Drapier a proof that the 
hateful coinage was to be forced upon the country. 
They even feared that it miglit be impossible to keep 
the public peace. Carteret answered quietly and cha- 
racteristically : ' As long as I have the honour to be 
chief governor here, the peace of the kingdom shall be 
kept." King was not convinced, and said publicly that 
he feared Carteret would have reason to repent what 
had been done in Council that day. But Carteret was 
fully persuaded that his action was necessary ; and 
the majority of the Council, and even the reluctant 
minority, accepted his opinion. For they were all 
Ir.yal to England, though all firmly opposed to the 
patent. The Priv)- Council therefore agreed that a 
proclamation should at once be issued, offering a re- 
Avard of 300/. for the discovei'y of the author of the 
Drapier's fourth Letter. 

Swift himself allows that Carteret's official position 
cohipelled him to this action. ' What I did for tliis 
country,' Swift wrote nearly ten years later, ' was from 
perfect hatred of tyranny and oppression, for which I 
had a proclamation against me of 300/., irliich. my oh/ 
friend, my Lord Carteret, ic rift forced to convent to, the 
very first or second night of his arrival hither.' Xo 
such act of necessary formality could interrupt the 
friends! lip between two such men; but their pei'^onal 
intercour:-e in Ireland was renewed in a rather extra- 
ordinary way, springing directly from this incident. 
The day after the i-sue of the proclamation, Carteret 
held a levee at the Cattle. While the official pohte- 
nesses were proceeding. Swift entered the drawing- 
room, and made his way througli the crowd to the 

' Carteret to Newcastle; Oct. 2S, 17'2i. Add. MSS. 0,24-3 ■ fol. .30-4]. 


circle. He wasted no time on ceremony, but directly 
and emphatically addressed himself to Carteret : ' So, 
my Lord-Lieutenant, this is a glorious exploit that you 
performed yesterday, in issuing a proclamation against 
a poor shop-keeper, whose only crime is an honest 
endeavour to save his country from ruin. You have 
given a noble specimen of what this devoted nation is 
to hope for from your government. I suppose j'ou 
expect a statue of copper will be erected to you for tliis 
service done to Wood.' The crowd of courtiers were 
struck dumb at such a scene and such a profanation of 
their sacred mysteries. Carteret alone was not in the 
least disconcerted. He listened to S\vift's speech with 
quiet composure, and instantly replied to his friend in 
Yirgil's line : — 

Ees dura et regni novitas me talia cogunt 

' The whole assembly was struck with the beauty of 
this quotation, and the levee broke up in good-humour, 
some extolling the magnanimity of Swift to the skies, 
and all dehghted with the ingenuity of the Lord- 
Lieutenant's answer.' ^ 

T-wo days after the Privy Council had sanctioned 
the proclamation, Archbishop King came to Carteret, 
and after speaking of the affairs of Ireland in what 
Carteret reckoned a ' very extraordinary manner,' told 
the Lord-Lieutenant that the Drapier had some thought 
of declaring his name, and acknowledging the author- 
ship of the Letters. Carteret knew who the writer was 
as well as King or the Drapier himself, but he had no 
official knowledge or formal proof of the fact. King 
beheved that in a legal trial the Drapier would be in no 

' Sheridan's Stcift, 21.3, 214. 


danger whatever. His crime was popularly assumed 
to be his attack on AVood's half-pence, and on that i-sue 
no jury would convict him. Carteret could not listen 
to arguments of this kind. He noticeably left the 
question of the coinage quite alone, but the other 
question he could not pass over even if he had wished 
to do so. ' I told him,' wrote Carteret in his account 
of his interview with King, ' that the libel contained 
such seditious, and in my opinion treasonable matter, 
as called upon a chief governor here to exert his ut- 
most power in bringing the author of it to ju-tice.' ^ 
Xot that Carteret thought this would be a very 
proceeding. The event, he also ackuoAvledged, was 
uncertain. But he was resolved to go on vigorously. 
' If the boldness of this author should be so great as 
the Archbishop intimates, I am fully determined to 
summon him before the Council, and though I sliould 
not be supported iDy them as I could wi.-h, yet I shall 
think it my duty to order his being taken into custody, 
and to detain him, if I can by law, till his majesty 5 
pleasure shall be further signified to me ; for if his offer 
of Ijail should be immediately accepted, and he forth- 
with set at liberty, after so daring an insult upon his 
majesty's Government, it is to be apprehended that riots 
and tumults will ensue, and that ill-disposed jier-on-; 
Avill run after this autlior and represent him to be the 
defender of their liberties, which the people are falsely 
made to believe are attacked in this affair of the half- 
pence. ... It is the general opinion here that Dr. 
S^\-ift is author of the pamphlet, and yet nobody thinks 
it can be proved upon him, though many beheve he 
Avill be spirited up to own it. Your (irace by this may 
see what opinion the Archbisliop of Dubhn and .'^wift 

' Cait.-r.-t to X.-wrn.-tl.' : (Vt. .30, ITiM, Add. AtSS. 0,243: fol. 4-2. 


Lave of the humour of the people, whose affections they 
have exceedingly gained of late by inveighing against 
the half-pence.' ^ 

Archbishop King's hints proved of no real value. 
The Drapier did not come forward, and it was impossible 
to compel him to confess himself. His printer was 
arrested, but the general suspicion that the grand jury 
Avould find no true bill against this insignificant man 
was fully justified. On the evening before the presen- 
tation of the bill, one of Swift's numberless manifestoes, 
Seasonable Advice to the Grand Jury, was widely dis- 
tributed, with such telling effect that the bill was 
unanimously rejected. One of the jury ventured to 
treat Swift's paper with some coldness. He was a 
banker, and immediately so violent a run was made 
upon his bank that it was feared he would be compelled 
to stop paj'ment. The Lord Chief Justice discharged 
the grand jury, and summoned another ; but the second 
was more obstinately resolute than the first. Its first 
act was to make a presentment (of course by SAvift) de- 
claring Wood's half-pence a nuisance, and the temper 
of the jur3'men was so evident that the Government 
found it prudent to make no mention to them of the 
scheme or of anything whatever connected with it. 
However much Carteret might be thinking of the 
strictly political side of the question, the people 
Avould see nothing in the affair but Wood and his 
coinage. Carteret noticed that since the Government 
had shown some vigour, writers also had shown 
more caution ; but there was no diminution at all in 
the agitation. Town and country were both perfectly 
unanimous. Carteret, himself quite lukewarm about 
the coinage, was astonished at the passionate and 

' Carteret to Xewca^tle ; Oct. .30, 17i4. M^^S, 0,24:3 ■. fol, 42, 4:1 


universal excitement. The copper money then current 
in Ireland was, says Carteret, the worst that ever was 
seen, and much of it had been lying by — a mere loss to 
its owners ; yet now, with perverse patriotism, this base 
coinage was put into currency again as an answer to 
the argument that more copper coin was needed in 
Ireland. One of the leading men in Ireland told Car- 
teret that this question of Wood's patent was the only 
affair he remembered in which he could make no 
friends or find any one to listen to reason. Thougli 
England had already so considerably yielded, there was 
stiU a common su.-picion that the currency would be 
forced on the nation. Trade was suffering through 
imaginary fears which thus became real e\-ils. Carteret, 
reporting home, when he had been only three weeks in 
Dubhn, modestly declined after so very short a time to 
offer any deliberate opinion, but he did not minimise 
the situation : — 

' This rage, for I can call it no otherwise, is now 
working up to such a height that the best of his 
majesty's subjects here, who do not agree in the popidar 
clamour, but condemn the late heat of their parliament, 
and dread the consequences that such another ses-ion 
may bring upon Ireland, say it is to be wished that his 
majesty, who has always made the law the rule and 
measure of his government, would now be . . pleased 
to recede from that rule in this one instance.'^ A few 
days later Carteret expressed his fear that an Irish jury 
would find treason itself not to be trea-nn. if it were 
coloured over with tlie popular invectives against 
"Wood's half-pence. 

Carteret had not ventured, after tliree weeks' expe- 
rience of Ireland, to state definitely what must be done. 

' Ciirteret to Ne-srcftstle ; Xov. 14, i;:.'4. Add. MSS. 0,24:3 ; fol. 40-4S. 


But a second three weeks left him without a doubt. 
In December 1724:, the Government in London wrote 
anxiously to him. The King, concerned that Carteret's 
endeavours had as yet produced so little efiect, wished 
his advice ; the King and the ministers wished to know 
how to uphold the law, and at the same time satisfy 
the L'ish people. Carteret, who had actively gleaned 
information from every source of value, could come to 
only one conclusion. The patent must be given up. 
No other advice, he said, could be given by any one who 
had examined the condition of Ireland. If once the 
' terror ' of the half-pence were withdrawn, the Irish 
parliament would cause no further trouble ; would vote 
some compensation to Wood, and so close the incident. 
No counsel could have been clearer and more direct 
than Carteret's on this matter. 

The Government had asked Carteret's advice ; but 
did not particularly hke it when it was given. It had 
taken a long time to convince Walpole and Townshend 
that the Irish discontent was really serious. When 
Waljjole was once convinced, he was statesman enough 
to decline to match his personal views against the feelings 
of a whole nation. But Townshend, always passionate, 
wrote angrily to Carteret. Was the Entrhsh Kini,^ to 
make private bargains with the Irish parliament ? With 
impotent indignation Townshend was still informing 
C*arteret, in December 1724, that the search ibr some 
' expedient ' to quiet the minds of the Irish people was 
yet going on. Carteret, speaking on this subject with 
more authority than all the other ministers taken to- 
gether, had plainly told them that there was only one 
expedient. Boulter, the newl}^ appointed Primate of 
Ireland, an Enghshman, and a man not likely to advise 
measures of too great leniency towards the Irish people, 


was also strongly urging upon the Governmerit the view 
which Carteret was expressing. Like Carteret, Boulter 
took pains to discover for himself the opinions of the 
leading men in Ireland, and of the various sections of 
the people. He found Protestants and Catholics, Whigs, 
Tories, and Jacobites, disagreeing in all things else, at 
one in their views on the coinage ; and Boulter's volu- 
minous letters to the ministers in England insist with 
much emphasis upon the solution which Carteret had 
urged months before he had even left England : the 
abandonment of the patent, and some fair compensation 
to Wood. ' Without doing something like this, there is 
no prospect of any end of our present heats and animo- 
sities.' ^ A few days before the date of this letter 
Carteret had reiterated his advice, and had told Towns- 
hend that the ferment among the people, only in part 
allayed, was ready to break out again on the slightest 
occasion ; while a private letter from Dublin, written 
on tlie same day as Carteret's, shows how the popular 
dread of the currency stood in the way of Carteret's 
already great personal popularity. ' Isly Lord-Lieutenant 
does all that can Ije thought on, to obtain upon the 
minds of the people, and with great applause ; but 
then, it is curious with 'em to say that all he does is 
tritJi design to introdure the hnlf-pence, hut that ■'^Itnll not 
do ; ncidicr cntuiij and, drinkimj, cirilitij nor qood. v:ords^ 
shall alter their minds as do that.''^ 

In spite of the pressing appeals of Carteret and 
Boulter, the spring and summer of 172-3 passed by, and 
the ministers in London made no sign. The time for 
the meeting of the Irish parliament was drawing near, 
and on all sides there wa'; prophecy of parliamentary 

■ To Xpwca^tle ; Jan. lii, Xlio. Eoulter's Lett-rs, I. 13. 
MSS. r.ocord itHice. Jan. !l \~-2o. 


trouble if the patent were not disposed of to the satis- 
faction of members at the very beginning of their 
dehberations. Would Carteret be authorised to say in 
his speech that the ^vhole scheme was cancelled ? 
Midleton, no longer Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and 
not able to boast of any special favour from Carteret, 
^\•as inclined to think that the ministers in England 
were anxious to ruin Cai'teret's chance of success in 
Ireland and to make him appear unable to do the 
King service there ; and that, therefoi-e, they would 
refuse to do anything which might assist Carteret to 
hold a successful session.^ Parliament was to meet 
in September ; in August nothing was yet settled. The 
absurd Duke of Newcastle was continuing to write to 
Carteret in an irritatingly placid manner, inildly asking 
if Carteret had yet found any way to end this unhappy 
business. As if Carteret had not months before told 
the absurd Duke what must be done ! And not only liad 
he told the ministers what they must do ; he had also 
urged upon them the necessity of doing it at once. But 
tlie Government had not acted upon his advice, and 
parliament was now about to meet while all was still in 
suspense. Carteret wrote once more in August, and 
plainly told the ministers that no viceroy could carry 
oil the affairs of the session till this question was onco 
for all settled. They had disregarded the warnings 
Avhich for nine months he had been giving them, and 
now there was only one effectual way of freeing them- 
selves from their embarrassment. He desired to be 
authorised to declare in his speech at the opening of the 
sessiuu that the patent was entirely cancelled. 

It was impossible for the ministers any longer to 

1 Midleton to Thos. limdrick, July 4, 1720. Add. MSS. '.i,l'13; fol. 



neglect Carteret's advice. The inevitable resolution, 
Avhicli might have been taken so much more gracefully 
at a far earlier date, was adopted only some two or 
three weeks before the parliament met. On Septem- 
ber 21, 1725, Carteret delivered the speech from the 
throne with an eloquent emphasis which much delighted 
those who heard it ; but it needed none of the charms 
of rhetoric to make his very first words palatable : — 

' I have his majesty's commands at the opening of 
this session to acquaint you that an entire end is put to 
the patent.' 

The end had come at last. A little unavoidable 
parliamentary wrangling followed, and Wood and his 
patent became extinct for ever. The House of Commons 
dutifully thanked the King for his goodness, and in very 
warm terms thanked Carteret also for what he had 
done for them ; but the discontented spirits in the 
Lords, and especially Archbishop King and ex-ChanceUor 
Midleton, hoped to make what mischief they could. 
Carteret had appointed Primate Boulter to prepare and 
move the address of the Lords to the King, and 
Boulter proposed gratefully to acknowledge the King's 
favour and condescension in cancelling the patent which 
he had granted ; but King maliciously moved that thev 
should thank the royal icisdom too ; clearly hinting that 
if the King had been wise in ending the patent, his 
ministers had been exceedingly foolish in accepting it. 
The Lords agreed to King's sarcastic gratitude, but, 
thanks to Carteret's earnest endeavours, the addition 
was flung out again on a later stage of the proceeding-, 
and the address restored to its oriLi'inal wording. Sn 
Cavti'ifl s first Irish session opened auspiciouslv, and 
ran through its course with all the quiet that could be 


Carteret was Lord-Lieutenant of L-eland for six years ; 
but after the coinage incident was concluded, these 
years offer — with one exception — Httle or nothing of any 
personal interest or of any real connection with the bio- 
graphy of Carteret. The details of the official speeches 
which he delivered, and of the various sessions which 
he held, belong to parliamentary history, and only very 
formally to Carteret's life. It is very incidentally that 
anything beyond the barren official traces of Carteret's 
political connection with Ireland can now be recovered. 
But he took real interest in Ireland, and the testi- 
mony of both friends and enemies of the English 
government of Ireland agrees that he was a good 
viceroy. His position was by no means an easy one. 
To say that the two most prominent men in Dublin 
during Carteret's Lord-Lieutenancy were Dean Swift and 
Archbishop Boulter, is almost to write in short the 
Irish pohtical liistory of the time. Swift and Boulter 
were radically opposed to each other in their political 
views ; one of them the adored delight of the Irish 
people, the other the embodiment of that English pohcy 
towards Ireland which found favour in the first half of 
the eighteenth century. Boulter, an Englishman, and 
practically the ruler of Ireland, outdid even the Whig 
ministers in England in his disregard of Irish interests 
and Irish national feeling. Ireland in his view existed 
simply and solely for the advantage of England. The 
' English interest,' as it was called, was the object of 
his unceasing soHcitude. His copious letters are full of 
agitated watchfulness on behalf of the 'English party,' 
the ' friends of England,' the ' English interest.' When- 
ever an official post of any kind fell vacant. Boulter Avas 
in a condition of fluttered anxiety till an Englishman 
was safely deposited in it. Even when he did anything 



that was politically or socially good for Ireland, he did 
it only because it was for the benefit of England also. 
On the other side stood Swift, also an Eno-JisLman, 
though, as he bitterly phrased it, he had been • dropped ' 
in Ireland ; with no affection for Ireland, and cursing 
the exile's life which he was forced to pass there. 
He despised the Irish people, but he could oppose a 
tyranny which neglected the elements of natural justice ; 
and even before his memorable appearance as the 
Dublin Drapier, he had decisively joined the Irish 
party, and had denounced with all the force of his in- 
dignant irony the wrongs done by the strong country 
to the weak one. He allowed even the play of his 
casual conversation to illustrate his contempt of the 
Enghsh method of ruhng Ireland. Lady Carteret once 
remarked to him on the pleasantness of the Irish air. 
Swift fell down on his knees and said, ' For God's sake, 
madam, don't say so in England, they wiU certainly tax 
it.' ^ Even if better reason- for indignation had failed 
him, S\s"ift had wrongs of his own to avenge, for he 
had been neglected by "VValpole, and he hated the 
AVliigs. The Whig Carteret was indeed his personal 
friend, but that did not blunt Swift's opposition to the 
political system of which Carteret was the official repre- 
sentative. Swift never forgot anytliing in the nature 
of a personal affront, and he never forgrit that the 
Whigs had managi-d to do without him. 

between the rival policies per-oiiified in Boulter and 
in Swift, the position of a Lord-Lieutenant who was a 
member of the Englisli Cabinet, and yet, like Carteret, 
without prejudice and prGpo-.-;e--icjn iu hi- deahng- with 
Ireland, was not free from eui1jarra--meut. He could 

' Anecdote told by Voltaire at Fern-j i.i 1770. .Sherlock's L'itter-- '4 
„„ Er.;,lish TrartU'-r, I. UlI 


not be anti-Irisli enough to satisfy Boulter, or anti- 
English enough to please Swift. And there was not 
much assistance to be hoped for from the Irish parlia- 
ment ; an assemblage indeed which, considering its total 
want of legislative independence, could not be a very- 
striking political body. Very many years after his own 
connection with Ireland was over, Carteret expressed 
what could not help being a very contemptuous opinion 
of the Irish Houses. In 1758 the Duke of Bedford was 
Lord-Lieutenant, and found his parliament very difficult 
to deal with. Carteret and Fox had some conversation 
on the subject, and Fox reported to Bedford what 
Carteret had said : — 

' His Lordship says your Grace has nothing to do 
but to let them dash their loggerheads together, and 
to transmit whatever nonsense they may cook up to 
England to be rejected, remaining quietly and coolly at 
the Castle, till with the last transmiss of bills your Grace 
desires leave to come away.' ^ 

Enghsh policy towards Ireland in the reigns of the 
first two Go(_)rges was preparing the mischief which did 
not fail to follow. One political fact is as eloquent as 
a hundred. The Irish parliament which met in 1727 
continued to sit till 1760. But things were very tran- 
quil during Carteret's Irish rule. The people had 
triumphed over the Enghsh Government, Walpole had 
been forced to humble himself before Swift, and the Irish 
were satisfied. Carteret had his little administrative 
troubles of the usual sort ; but the factious and the dis- 
affected found that he had a mind and will of his own, 
and tliat, Avhile he was governor, impudent meddlesome- 
ness was not the road to very brilliant success. A fussily 

' Lord J. Russell's Con-esjmndeiicc of the ith Buke of Budfonl, II. \MQ. 
Jan. 7, 1758. 

K 2 


important section of members, elated by their victory 
over Wood and his patent, with gratuitous condescen- 
sion ofTered to manage all public affairs to Carteret's 
complete satisfaction if only the Lord-Lieutenant vyould 
throw himself entirely into their hands. Carteret plainly 
replied that he had not come to Ireland to be put into 
leading-strings, and completely extinguished the insolent 
hopes of these ambitious busy-bodies. Of course they 
afterwards gave him all the trouble they could. But 
Carteret had a perfect temper, and was not at all dis- 
turbed by the excited extravagances of petulant passion. 
Absolutely refusing to make himself the tool of any 
faction, he endeavoured, as far as the fettered position 
of a Lord-Lieutenant would allow, to act mth equal 
friendliness towards the representatives of both the 
Enghsh and the Irish parties. Swift and Boulter 
both recognise his good-will towards them. Carteret 
of course could not always do what Swift would have 
wished ; Swift complains that he sometimes had to speak 
surdls aurihus. Yet Carteret, not thinking that Tory 
and traitor were necessarily synonymous, listened when 
he could to Swift's recommendations, and gained Swift's 
thanks for doing so. The very httle which Carteret 
ventured to do for the so-called patriotic party in teland 
produced loud and persistent outcry from disappointed 
partisans ; with one excellent result so far as Carteret 
was personally concerned, for it drew from Swift his 
humorously serious Vindication of Lord Carteret from 
the charge of favoiirijv] none hut Torle-"!. Iliqh Cinrrciunen 
and Jacobites. To be praised hj both Boulter and 
Swift was at least a proof of impartiality, and Boulter's 
words are : — 

' We are obliged to your Lordship for the early care 
you took of us English here, and everybody here is 


sensible of what advantage it will be to his majesty's 
service that we have had a governor of your Excellency's 
abilities long enough amongst us to know as much of 
this country as any native.' ^ 

When Carteret's Lord-Lieutenantship was closing, 
Boulter congratulated himself that in Carteret Ireland 
had a friend who on all occasions would be able to 
serve her. 

Carteret's Irish rule ended in 1730. His personal 
success had been unbounded, and his political manage- 
ment characterised by great dexterity and unwearied 
industry. His careful inquiry into financial and other 
details which were , commonly let alone with contented 
indifference, disturbed the sluggish routine of easily 
satisfied officials, but gained for the Lord-Lieutenant 
great popularity with all other classes of the peo.ple ; 
while his affable manners, his wit, and his courteous 
hospitality made him the favourite in Ireland Avhich an 
English governor too seldom was. Newcastle's malicious 
hope that Carteret's viceroyalty might prove a ruinous 
failure was falsified as completely as it deserved to be. 
Swift had prophesied differently, and Swift's anticipa- 
tions were realised. 

A pleasant incident of Carteret's Lord-Lieutenancy 
Avas the renewal of his personal intercourse with Swift. 
A gap of ten years had interrupted it. The death of 
Queen Anne and the consequent fall of Bolingbroke had 
made Swift's political situation hopeless, and he Avith- 
drew to the dreary exile of his Dubhn deanery. After 
ten years' experience of that unwelcome retirement, the 
announcement of his friend Carteret's appointment to 
Ireland was no doubt welcome to Swift. In that year 
he wrote a poem Avhich is a panegyric on Carteret's 

' Bdiilter to Carteret; July 15, 1727. Boulter's Letters, I. 186. 


character and conduct at the University, at Court, and 
in foreign negotiations ; and closed his verses with a 
reference to Carteret's expected arrival at Dublin : — 

Fame now reports, the Western Isle 
Is made his mansion for a Trhile, 
Whose anxious natives, night and day, 
(Happy beneath his righteous swayj 
Weary tlie gocls with ceaseless prayer, 
To bless him and to keep him there ; 
And claim it as a debt from Fate, 
Too lately found, to lose him late. 

But the renewal of the friendship of the two men 
was prefaced by a sliglit misunderstanding. Swift, as 
soon as he heard that Carteret was to be the new Lord- 
Lieutenant, had written to him, expressing his pleased 
expectation of seeing him, and promising to be neither a 
too frequent guest nor a troublesome solicitor. Carteret, 
who was making various excursions in the country at 
the time that Swift's letter reached him, was a httle slow 
in replying ; and Swift, fancjing himself shghted, wrote 
testily : — - 

' I have been long out of the world, but have not 
forgotten what used to pass among those I lived with 
while I was in it ; and I can say that during the expe- 
rience of many years, your Excellency, and one more, 
who is not worthy to be compared to you, are the only 
great person; that ever refused to answer a letter from 
me, without regard to busiiios-, party, or greatness; and 
if I had not a pecuhar esteem for your personal qualities, 
I should think myself to be acting a very inferior part in 
making this complaint. ... I know not how your con- 
ceptions of myself may alter, by every new high station ; 
but mine must continue the same or alter for the worse. 
I often told a great minister, whom you well knew, that 


I valued him for being the same man through all the 
progress of power and place. I expected the like in 
your Lordship, and still hope that I shall be the only- 
person who will ever find it otherwise. I pray God to 
direct your Excellency in all your good undertakings, 
and especially in your government of this kingdom.' -^ 

This letter, in spite of its hasty assumption that 
Carteret was neglecting him, is ample evidence of Swift's 
very high estimation of Carteret. The compliment that 
Swift's opinion of Carteret, if it changed at all, could 
only change for the worse, is a very fine one. Carteret's 
letter of reply, with just a touch of light sarcasm where 
he speaks of the ' agreeable freedom with which you 
express yourself,' is proof on his side of his affectionate 
regard for Swift, and of the admirable temper with 
which he received Swift's unfounded suspicions :— 

' To begin by confessing myself in the wrong will, I 
hope, be some proof to you that none of the stations 
which I have gone through have hitherto had the effects 
uj)on me which you apprehend. If a month's silence 
has been turned to my disadvantage in your esteem, it 
has at least had this good effect, that I am convinced 
by the kindness of your reproaches, as well as by the 
goodness of your advice, that you still retain some part 
of your former friendship for me, of which I am the 
more confident from the agreeable freedom with which 
you express yourself; and I shall not forfeit luy pre- 
tensions to the continuance of it by doing anything that 
shall give you occasion to think that I am insensible of 
it. ... I hope the nation will not suffer by my being 
in this great station, and if I can contribute to its pro- 
sperity, I shall think it the honour and happiness of my 
life. I desire you to believe what I say, and particularly 

' Swift to Carteret ; June 9, 1724. Works, XVI. 432, 43.3. 


when I profess myself to be with great truth, Sir, your 
most faithful and affectionate humble servant.' ^ 

This kind reply— the omitted sentences explain the 
cause of Carteret's delay in writing — made Swift ashamed 
of himself and his testy assumptions ; and he wrote 
again to Carteret : — 

' I humbly claim the privilege of an inferior, to be 
the last writer ; yet, with great acknowledgments for 
your condescension in answering my letters, I cannot but 
complain of you for putting me in the wrong. I am in 
the circumstances of a waiting-woman, who told her 
lady that nothing vexed her more than to be caught in 
a lie. But what is worse, I have discovered in myself 
somewhat of the bully, and, after all my ratthng, you have 
brought me down to be as humble as the most distant 
attender at your levee. It is well your Excellency's 
talents are in few hands ; for, if it were otherwise, we 
who pretend to be free speakers in quahty of philo- 
sophers should be utterly cvired of our forwardness ; at 
least I am afraid there will be an end of mine, with 
regard to your Excellency. Yet, my lord, 1 am ten years 
older than I was when I had the honour to see you last, 
and consequently ten times more testy. Therefore I 
foretell that you, who could conquer so captious a per- 
son, and of so little consequence, will quickly subdue 
this whole kingdom to love and reverence you.' ^ 

Carteret gracefully refused to let Swift be the last 
writer: — 

' Your claim to be the last writer is what I can never 
allow ; that is the privilege of ill writers, and I am re- 
solved to give you complete satisfaction by leaving it 
with you, whether I shall be the last writer or not. 
Methinks I see you throw this letter upon your table in 

> Carteret to Swift ; June 20, 1724. Swift, Works, XVI. 433, 434. 
» Swift, Works, X^'I, 434,435. July 9, 1724, 


the height of si:)leen, because it may have interrupted 
some of your more agreeable thoughts. But then, in 
return, you may have the comfort of not answering it, 
and so convince my Lord-Lieutenant that you value him 
less now than you did ten years ago. I do not know 
but this might become a free speaker and a philosopher. 
Whatever you may think of it I shall not be testy, but 
endeavour to show that I am not altogether insensible 
of the force of that genius which has outshone most of 
this age, and, when you will display it again, can con- 
vince us that its lustre and strength are still the same. 

' Once more I commit myself to your censure, and 
am. Sir, with great respect, 

your most affectionate humble servant, 

' Carteret.' ^ 

Swift managed to have the last word, and soon after 
this last letter the two correspondents met each other 
again in DubHn. The extraordinary scene at the Castle 
levee probably first reintroduced Carteret and Swift; 
and their acquaintance was soon renewed with the old 
private pleasantness. Lady Carteret, who from her 
window thirteen years before had pointed out to Swift 
his hat flung upon the railings by the wild boisterousness 
of ladies of title, was also glad to meet again her own 
and her mother's friend. Lady Carteret was a special 
favourite with Swift, and in his intercourse with her 
thei'e was no trace of the domineering roughness which 
he so commonly adopted towards ladies of rank. With 
her mother, Lady Worsley, Swift had been specially in- 
timate in the Queen Anne and Boiingbroke days ; and 
now that he was far away from nearly all his old friends 
he had hoped that Lady Worsley would have accom- 
panied her daughter to Ireland. She did not do so; but 

' Swift, Wofks,Xyi. 439, 440. Aug. i, 1724. 


the presence of Lady Carteret was for Swift a pleasant 
renewal of the friendship in the second generation. 
They were on terms of affectionate and, on each side, 
respectful intimacy. Lady Carteret bids him come to 
dine with her at the Castle. He goes, but his spirits 
fail him at the thought of Viceregal state, and he es- 
capes home. Lady Carteret forgives him; and as he had 
not dined with her she instead visits him, and Swift, as 
a condition of forgiveness, turns the little incident into 
easy rhyme in his pleasant Apoloijy to Lady Carteret: — 

Can it be strange, if I eschew 
A scene so glorious and so new ? 
Or is lie criminal that flies 
The living lustre of your eyes ? 

Swift's poor health, the deafness and giddiness which 
repeatedly distressed him and sometimes drove him from 
Dublin in search of country air, prevented him from 
being so much with his friends at the Castle as he felt 
inclined to be ; for it was onl}' in verse that he feared 
the living lustre of Lady Carteret's eyes. The intimate 
terms of his friendship with her and with her mother. 
Lady Worsley, are well illustrated by three letters, two 
of which are not printed in the Works of Swift. In 
April 1730, the month in which Carteret's Lord-Lieu- 
tenancy ended. Swift Avrote to Lady Worsley: — 

' My Lady Carteret (if you know such a lady) com- 
mands me to pursue rny own inclination ; which is, to 
honour myself with writing you a letter ; and thereljy 
endeavouring to preserve myself in your memory, in 
spite of an acquaintance of more years than, in regard 
to my own reputation as a young gentleman, I care to 
recollect. I forget whether I had not some reasons to 
be angry with your ladyship when I was last in England. 
I hope to see you very soon the youngest great-grand 


mother in Europe ; and fifteen years hence (which I 
shall have nothing to do Avith) you will be at the 
amusement of — " Else up, daughter," &c. You are to 
answer this letter, and to inform me of your health and 
humour ; and whether you like your daughter better or 
worse, after having so long conversed with the Irish 
Avorld, and so little with me. Tell me what are your 
amusements at present; cards. Court, books, visiting, or 
fondling (I humbly beg your ladyship's pardon, but it 
is between ourselves) your grand-children? My Lady 
Carteret has been the best Queen we have known in 
Ireland these many years ; yet is she mortally hated by 
all the young girls, because (and it is your fault) she is 
handsomer than all of them together. Pray do not 
insult poor Ireland on this occasion, for it would have 
been exactly the same thing in London. And therefore 
I shall advise the King, when I go next to England, to 
send no more of her sort, (if such another can be found) 
for fear of turning all his loyal female subjects here 
against him. ... My Lady Carteret has made me a pre- 
sent, which I take to be mahcious, with a design to stand 
in your place. Therefore I would have you to provide 
against it by another, and something of your own work, 
as hers is ; for you know I always expect advances and 
presents from ladies.' ^ 

In reply, Lady Worsley promised Swift a writing-box, 
and he wrote in response : — 

' I am in some doubt whether envy had not a great 
share in your work, for you were, I suppose, informed 
that my Lady Carteret had made for me with her own 
hands the finest box in Ireland; upon which you grew 
jealous, and resolved to outdo her by making for me 
the finest box in England. ... In short, I am quite 

' Swift, W<jrTcs, XVII. 302, 303. 


overloaden with favours from your ladyship and your 
daughter, and, what is worse, those loads ^¥ilI lie upon my 
shoulders as long as I hve. But I confess myself a httle 
ungrateful, because I cannot deny your ladyship to have 
been the most constant of all my goddesses, as I am the 
most constant of all your worsliippers. I hope the Car- 
terets and the Worsleys are all happy and in health. . . . 
I beg your ladyship will prevail on Sir Eobert Worsley to 
give me a vicarage in the Isle of AVight ; for I am weary 
of living at sucli a distance from you. It need not be 
above forty pounds a year.' ' 

The present arrived, and Swift acknowledged it. 
AVhat a contrast between the easy famiharity and light 
banter of his fir.-t sentences, and the sava iivJvjno.tio of 
the last ! 

' The work itself does not delight me more than the 
little cares you were pleased to descend to in contriv- 
ing Avays to have it conveyed so far without damage, 
whereof it received not the least from without : what 
there was came from within ; for one of the little rings that 
lifts a drawer for wax hath touched a part of one of the 
pictures, and made a mark as large as the head of a =mall 
pin ; but it touches only an end of a cloud ; and yet I 
have been careful to twist a small thread of silk round 
that "s\icked ring, who promiseth to do so no more. . . 

' I beg you, madam, that there may be no quarrel? 
of jealousy between your ladyship and my Lady Car- 
teret ; I set her at work Ijy the authority I claimed 
over her as your daughter. The young woman showed 
her readiness, and performed very weU for a new begin- 
ner, and deserves encouragement. Besides, she filled the 

' This and the following letter of Swift, not printed in Scott's Edition 
of Swift's Works, are given in Xotes and Queries, series I. vol. IV. pp. 21-- 
2-20. The d.ites are May 1, 17-31, and Nov. 4, 1732. 


chest with tea, whereas you did not send me a single 
pen, a stick of wax, or a drop of ink ; for all of which 
I must bear the charge out of my own pocket. And, 
after all, if your ladyship were not by, I would say 
that my Lady Carteret's box (as you disdainfully call it, 
instead of a tea-chest) is a most beautiful piece of work, 
and is oftener used than yours, because it is brought 
down for tea after dinner among ladies, whereas my 
escritoire never stirs out of my closet, but when it is 
brought for a sight. Therefore, I again desire there may 
be no family quarrels upon my account. . . . 

' Are you not weary, madam ? Have you patience 
to read all this ? I am bringing back past times ; I 
imagine myself talking with you as I used to do ; but 
on a sudden I recollect where I am sitting, banished to 
a country of slaves and beggars ; my blood soured, my 
spirits sunk, fighting with beasts like St. Paul, not at 
Ephesus, but in Ireland.' 

' In Ireland '; that was half of Swift's wretchedness. 
Was he, in his own words, to die there in a rage, like 
a poisoned rat in a hole ? The presence of the Carterets, 
recalling to him old scenes and old friends in England, 
was doubtless a very acceptable relief to Swift ; and 
Carteret found his renewed intimacy with the Dean one 
of the not too numerous attractions of his residence in 
Dubhn. Swift and the friends of Swift were the society 
in which he delighted. One of these most intimate 
friends was the well-known schoolmaster, Dr. Sheridan, 
whose scholarship Carteret could well appreciate. Car- 
teret delighted to lay aside the tedious formahties of 
his position, to slip quietly from the Castle in a hackney- 
chair, and pass private evenings at Sheridan's with 
Swift. Sheridan was a learned, absent-minded, simple- 
hearted man, and, in Swift's opinion, the best teacher 


in the kingdom ; perhaps, the best in Europe. He was 
one of the first whom Swift recommended to Carteret 
in Ireland, and Carteret, attracted by Sheridan's scholar- 
ship, gladly gave him such small preferment in the 
Church as was at his disposal, and privately treated him 
on terms of much friendship. Sheridan's pupils delighted 
Carteret by the performance of a Greek play, while 
Carteret astonished Sheridan by his intimate knowledge 
of the original. The play happened to be one of Sopho- 
cles'; and Sophocles was one of the few books which 
Carteret had had with him during his wearisome nego- 
tiations in theXorth. AVhile in Denmark, and confined 
to his house partly by iUness, partly by severe weather, 
he had read his author so repeatedly that he had learnt 
the plays almost line for line, and his naturally very 
strong memory did not let them go. Carteret modestly 
read over with Sheridan the selected play before the 
public representation ; but Sheridan found that his new 
pupil needed no assistance. Being, as Swift says, very 
learned himself, Carteret delighted to encouracre learn- 
ing in others ; and it was after this classical performance 
that he did all that he could for Sheridan. Unfor- 
tunately, Sheridan did not keep his Church appointments 
long, but ruined his clerical outlook by his own innocent 
absent-mindedness. Preaching on tlie anniversary of 
the Hanoverian accession, he selected for hi? unfortunate 
text : ' Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.' Dis- 
appointed and spiteful busy-bodies chose to represent 
this as an intentional insult and profession of Jacobit- 
isni ; and the outcry of the Whigs compelled Carteret 
to <;ancel tlie small official favour which he had gladly 
shown to a learned man who happened to be also a 

Other friends of Swift were more fortunate than 


Sheridan ; for Carteret attended to Swift's recommenda- 
tions whenever he could possibly do so. It was not 
always possible. Carteret was the representative of a 
Whig Government, and considerably fettered by the 
traditions of the political relations between England 
and Ireland ; while Swift hated things Whiggish and 
the Whig party which had ventured to neglect him, 
and especially disliked the principles that regulated the 
Enghsh rule in Dublin. The policy which Swift desired 
and the policy which Carteret's position compelled 
him to carry out were often very widely separated. 
But Swift always recognised the necessities under 
which Carteret acted ; and when they had to differ on 
political matters, they differed always in the friend- 
liest manner. Swift summarised their relations by say- 
ing that in Carteret he hated the viceroy, but loved 
the man. 

For Swift himself there was of course nothing that 
Carteret could do politically. A rather vague authority 
asserts that Swift would have been willing to accept 
some not very leading official appointment in Ireland, as, 
for instance, trustee of the linen manufacture, or justice 
of the peace, but that he never could prevail upon 
Carteret to consent. Carteret's reply always was : ' I 
am sure, Mr. Dean, you despise those feathers, and 
would not accept of them.'^ Swift quite iinderstood 
Carteret's position and the meaning of this polite 
refusal. The Lord-Lieutenant must appoint to official 
posts supporters of the official Government. The last 
person in Ireland likely to support the Irish adminis- 
tration of a Whig ministry was the Dean of St. Patrick's ; 
and he frankly told Carteret that he knew that was why 

' Scott, Life of Swift; Swift's Works, I. 362n. Founded on 


he was passed over. With equal frankness Carteret 
rephed : ' AVhat you say is hterally true, and, there- 
fore, you must excuse me.' This open sincerity 
always characterised their relations. In January 1728 
Swift wrote to Carteret : ' As long as you are governor 
liere, I shall always expect the liberty of telling you 
my thoughts ; and I hope you will consider them, until 
you find I grow impertinent, or have some bias of my 
own.' Swift's fairness could not refuse to confess that 
Carteret had always been willing to listen to him, and 
that he had done in deference to Swift's views all that 
his position would allow him to do. Writing to his old 
friend Gay shortly after Carteret's Lord-Lieutenancy 
ended. Swift said of Carteret : ' I have told him often 
that I only hated him as Lieutenant. I confess he had 
a genteeler manner of binding the chains of this king- 
dom than most of his predecessors.' In granting to 
natives of Ireland such small appointments as he was able 
to offer them, Swift thought that Carteret acted a more 
popular part than his successor, the Duke of Dorset. 
But if, on the official side, Carteret could not always do 
what Swift desired, their private relations were very 
close and intimate. Here is Swift writing to the 
Lord-Lieutenant : ' I told your Excellency that you 
were to run on my errands ... I, therefore, com- 
mand your Excellency to.' etc. . , . ' And I de=ire 
that I, who have done with Courts, may not be used 
like a courtier : for. as I was a courtier when you were 
a school-boy, I know all your art>. And so, God 
liless you, and all your family, my old friends : and 
remember, I expect you shall not dare to lie a cour- 
tier to me.' Carteret and Swift never plaved the 
courtier with each other. Swift, kept waiting once at 
the Cattle, while the prosecution of the Drnj,ier'f> 


Letters was still a question of public policy, wrote 
down the complaining lines : — 

My very good Lord, 'tis a very hard task 

For a man to wait here, who has nothing to ask. 

Carteret wrote in reply : — 

My very good Dean, there are few who come here 
But have something to ask, or something to fear. 

Carteret was always able to hold his own with Swift. 
Conversing with him once on a political action dis- 
approved by Swift, Carteret replied to Swift's objections 
with such power that Swift broke out into passionate 
abuse which conveyed high praise : ' What the vengeance 
brought you among us ? Get you back —get you back ; 
pray God Almighty send us our boobies again ! ' On 
another occasion, Swift, whose estimate of the Irish 
people was a very contemptuous one, wrote that 
Cartci-et ought to be the governor of a wiser nation 
than Ireland ; for a fool would be the fit manager of 
fools. Thus the two men always thoroughly under- 
stood each other, and acted with very characteristic 
frankness. ' When people ask me,' wrote Carteret to 
the Dean, ' how I governed Ireland, I say that I pleased 
Dr. Swift. Qiicesita/n nwriti.'i sume .yuperbiam.'^ 

' Carteret to Swift, March :24, 1727. Swift, Wurks, XIX. 50, 51. 




Before noticing Carteret's further connection %vith 
Walpole and wdth English domestic politics, a word is 
due to the curious history and miraculous disappearance 
of the Congress which after loner struf^gles had managed 
to meet at Cambrai. Carteret himself had not been 
neglectful of European affairs because he had ceased to 
be Secretary of State. During the seven years of his 
Lord-Lieutenancy he had frequently visited England. 
The Irish Viceroy was expected to reside in Dublin only 
during the months in which the Lrisli parhament was 
sitting ; the rest of the year he usually spent in England. 
And as the date of the Lish session did not exactly 
correspond with the sitting of the English Houses, it 
was open to a Lord-Lieutenant, who had not had enough 
of parliamentary proceedings in Dublin, to take active 
part in the performances at Westminster. Carteret was 
thus able to take his share in the discussion of the one 
absorbing topic of the time. Domestic affairs were al- 
most at a standstill. .V languid interest, chieflv of a per- 
sonal kind, might Ije taken in tlie impeachment of a late 
Lord Chancellor for corruption, or in debating the 
dangers of Boliugbroke's possible reap])earauce in 
England ; otherwise, home pohtics were duller than the 
dullest parochial proceeding-. But with foreirrn affaris 


it Avas different. Tlae vivacity on tliis side was almost 
excessive ; treaties and counter-treaties succeeding one 
anotlier in bewildering variety ; war always threatening, 
and once breaking out in what might have been a very 
serious manner ; while England, as ^vas usual in those 
times, was inextricably involved in all the shiftings of 
continental politics. 

At the end of 1723 the Congress of Cambrai was 
ready to begin business at last, after all its wearisome 
delays. Early in 1724 it accomphshed its formal opening. 
Never was so utterly futile a Congress. A whole host 
of diplomatic personages filled the Httle town, dazzUng 
tlie e5'es of the quiet Flanders people, but doing nothing 
of any practical value. All their diplomatic discussions 
and forinahties were mere beating of the air ; for it had 
already become clear enough that in the very highest 
quarters there was no sincere desire for the success of 
diplomatic efforts. "When diplomacy asked the Emperor 
diaries if he would definitely give up his fantastic 
title as King of Spain, if he would once for all settle the 
eternal dispute about the Italian Duchies, the Emperor 
would give no satisfactory reply. So the futile Congress 
dragged on in a very magnificent and useless manner. 
In its first year at Cambrai, young Voltaire had seen it 
there, eating, drinking, playing, and had reported its 
proceedings in those directions to dissolute old goat-faced 
Dubois, who was Archbishop of the place. As Voltaire 
had seen it, so it continued ; dragging out the years in 
si lining entertainments and fruitless diplomatic solemni- 
ties ; until the King and Queen of Spain, and especially 
the Queen, grew impatient of the futility of so mag- 
nificent a Congress, and turned to a different line of 

To compensate for the loss of Alberoni, Spain now 

L 2 


had at the head of affairs another vagabond foreigner, 
Eipperda, a Dutchman, who rose very high indeed for a 
time, and had astonishing adventures in the end. H3 
had been a Protestant, but had not found it too hard to 
change his rehgion, when the change seemed well worth 
his while. A man full of projects and speculations, 
with views very much larger than his abilities ; rash, 
hot-headed, loud tongued ; very blustering indeed, when 
he seemingly sat at the head of the universe for the 
time being. His big, grandiose way of planning and 
talking had completely gained Elizabeth's attention ; and 
now when the wearisomely futile Congress had passed 
through nearly three years of its useless existence, 
Eipperda suggested to the irritated Qieen a political 
plan of his own. Let the Congress continue to 
demonstrate its unrivalled capacity for doing nothing, 
Avas in effect Ripperda's advice ; send me to Vienna ; 
I will settle terms with the Emperor, and Cambrai may 
still diplomatise and dine at peace. Elizabetlr resolved 
at least to try; and near the end of 1724 Eipperda. 
Avith full powers from Spain, in secrecy left ^iladrid. 

The secrecy was maintained at Vienna. My-terious 
conferences of carefully disguised negotiators were held 
at night. Eipperda, well supplied also with persuasive 
money arguments, was confident of success, and sent 
cheering reports home to Spain. Yet his ellort= might 
possibly have been useless, and at least would certainly 
have been prolonged, had not a sudden action on the 
part of France excited all Spain's eagerness for peace 
with the Emperor. The little Spanisli Infanta, betrothed 
Avhen a child of four years old to Louis XV., the boy- 
King of France, was now, at the beginning of 11 lo. un- 
ceremoniously sent home again to Spain liy the new 
Fren;h Eegent Bourbon, and the match peremptorilv 


declined. Philip and Elizabeth flamed out in violent 
passion. ' All the Bourbons are a race of devils ! ' ex- 
claimed the fiery Queen to the unfortunate French 
ambassador, with a hastily apologetic 'except your 
majesty,' to the King, when she remembered that he too 
was one of that diabohcal family. Spain naturally had 
no further relish for French mediation at Cambrai. 
That was at once declined ; and when England could 
not undertake to persuade the Emperor without the co- 
operation of France, Spain's one remaining hope rested 
on Eipperda's secret negotiations. He was ordered to 
agree to terms of peace without delay ; and in this 
altered state of things a settlement was easily arranged. 
On April 30, 1725, a Treaty of Vienna was unex- 
pectedly announced — Austria and Spain suddenly recon- 
ciled, and the plenipotentiaries at Cambi'ai left gazing at 
one another in a state of astonished collapse. 

The excitement among oflScial persons all over 
Europe at the news of this sudden stroke was unbounded. 
Kings and statesmen did not know what to make of it. 
The treaty as it was published seemed innocent enough. 
Spain guaranteed the Emperor's Pragmatic Sanction, and 
recognised his rights to the Milanese, Naples, and Sicily. 
The Emperor on his side surrendered his pretensions to 
the crown of Spain. But a treaty of this kind was all 
in favour of the Emperor, whose claims on Spain had 
long been of the merely shadowy kind. Spain would 
neve]-, men argued, have made a peace with Austria if 
this were all ; and rumours of secret articles immediately 
spread. Ptuniour spoke of large engagements under- 
taken by the Emperor for Don Carlos ; of unbounded 
subsidies to be paid to Austria by Spain ; above all, of 
a surprising marriage-scheme by which the two Austrian 
Arch-duchesses should be wedded to Spanish Elizabeth's 


two sons. Thus Don Carlos, in addition to all else his 
mother could get for him, would gain ^laria Theresa as 
his wife ; Italy and the Empire would be united ; and if 
Don Carlos should, as was not impossible, himself become 
King of Spain, the Empire, Spain, and Italy would be 
all in the hands of one man, and the European balance 
in a condition painful to think of. England, too, con- 
ceived that she had special cause for alarm. It was more 
or less vaguely asserted that the restoration of the Pre- 
tender was one of the conditions of this unintelligible 
treaty ; blustering Eipperda, made more windy than usual 
by his seemingly admirable success, was not shy of admit- 
ting- it. And Spain's demand for Gibraltar micfht in such 
circumstances be a more serious affair than formerly. 

The one thing clear to the King of England was that 
in some way or other this Treaty of Vienna must Ije 
counteracted. r4eorge lost no time. The parliamentary 
session of 172-5 being happily over, he left England as 
usual for his summer and autumn abroad, arri\-ing at 
Hanover at the end (>t June. There, while England, if 
it thought aboiit him at all, thought that he was busy 
merely with hunting and other not unquestionable 
amusements, painful diplomacy was again at work, 
eager to set up an equivalent for the Vienna Treaty, and 
to render it as harmless as possible. Secretary Towns- 
hend was with the King, anxious to do his best. The 
question of Prussia was the real centre of the busine-=. 
Could England- and France persuade Pru-sia to join them 
against the designs of Spain and Au-tria!-' This Avas 
successfully accompUshed. Frederick William himself 
came to Herrenhausen, to do diplomacy as weU as 
hunting ; and in September a sudden counter-treatv, 
the Treaty of Hanovei-, Avas produced ; England, 
France, and Pra-ia agreeing to stand by one another 


and to induce the Protestant powers of the North to join 
their alhance. 

Thus Europe was divided into two great parties, and 
war might come at any moment. The Emperor gained 
over the Czarina Catherine, widow of Peter the Great ; 
money poured in to him from Spain ; Eipperda con- 
tinued to bluster in the noisiest manner ; and Charles 
felt quite contemptuous of all that his enemies might do. 
But England also took her measures. Fleets were sent 
out ; one to the Baltic, to guard against mischief from 
Eussia ; one to the Spanish coasts, to keep an eye 
on Gibraltar ; one to the West Indies, to blockade 
the galleons in Porto-Bello and check the supplies of 
Spanish gold. All through 1726 this strained condition 
of afi'airs lasted without any actual outbreak of war. 
But in the early weeks of 1727 hostilities really began. 
In the angry state of feeling between England and Spain, 
tliere were various pretexts which would do well enough 
to excuse this last decisive step ; there was always one 
convenient argument for convenient quarrel in the lono-- 
standing question of Gibraltar. Spain, now backed up 
hj the Emperor, renewed her demand for the fortress ; 
and as England's only answer was flat refusal, Elizabeth 
resolved to try what force could do. So beo-an in 
February a siege of Gibraltar ; in which siege Laurence 
Sterne's father, the veritable Uncle Toby, was a lieutenant 
of foot. 

But though the angry Queen of Spain had thrown 
diplomacy to the winds, England was not rash in de- 
claring war. Walpole was anxious for a peaceful settle- 
ment. So was Fleuiy, now in power in Franr-e after 
the fall of the Duke of Bourbon : — 

Peace is my ileai- delight— not Meury's more.' 
' Pope's Satires, I, 


And Prussia had fallen away from the Treaty of Han- 
over ; gained over to the Emperor by the Treaty of 
AVusterhausen in October 1726. This was a heavy blow 
to England and her allies ; for Frederick William had 
a standing army of 60,000 men. But, on the other 
hand, the Emperor soon lost Kussia, for the Czarina 
Catherine died ; and the Hanoverian allies had already 
been joined \j\ Holland, Sweden, and Denmark. It 
began to be clear to the Emperor that there was not 
much help for him in his alliance witli Spain ; that the 
combination against him was too strong. Xegotiations 
were accordingly opened ; and Charles, seeing nothing 
but disappointment on all sides, threw Spain over, and 
came to terms. Prehminaries of peace were signed in 
May 1727 ; an armistice was to exist for seven years, 
and all further disputes between the allies of Vienna 
and the alhes of Hanover were once more to be re- 
ferred to a general Congress. ' Quick, a Congress ; two, 
three Congre-ses ; four, five, six Conpre^ses,' as Beranger 

Thus Sjiain was left standing quite alone, and there 
seemed httle hkehhood that she could long maintain a 
sohtary refusal of reconcilement. Xegotiations with 
Spain did begin, of which George, thoucrh nothing 
positive could be said, informed his parliament in the 
last speech he ever made to it. Within less than a 
month he Avas dead at Osnabrlick, the home of his 
Bishop-brother. This interrupjted the negotiations. The 
Spanish ambassador at Vienna Jiad already, in the earlv 
part of June, signed preliminaries of peace ; the pre- 
hminary articles for opening the Congress, which had 
been appointed to meet at Soi~-<'>]i-. were brora-ht to 
London on the same day on which the King's death 
became kno^ATi there. But tJie death of Ge> <\-<j.q raised 


Spanish hopes. Spain hoped that with the accession 
of George II. there might be a break in the alliance 
between England and France, and she also counted on 
the probabihty of Jacobite troubles. In spite, there- 
fore, of the negotiations that had advanced so far, 
Spain now began to make formal objections, and went 
on with tlie Gibraltar siege for about another year. 
But her hopes of quarrel between France and England 
were disappointed; and it proved impossible to take 
Gibraltar. Elizabeth at last gave up the useless, single- 
handed contest, and at the Pardo, a royal palace near 
Madrid, agreed to accept the peace and join the ap- 
proaching Congress. 

The Congress duly met at Soissons in June 1728 ; 
Walpole's brother Horatio, Stanhope (soon to become 
Lord Harrington), and Stephen Poyntz being the 
Enghsh plenipotentiaries. But in spite of the profuse 
presence of diplomatists, and the seeming easiness of 
the work they had to do, the Congress could not 
manage to accomplish anything. Thougli the Emperor 
had come to terms on the points of his disputes with 
England and France, and though he had settled his 
quarrel with Spain by admitting Don Carlos' claim to 
inheritances in Italy, the Congress could really never so 
much as begin business. For before any other matters 
should be touched, Charles insisted that his Pragmatic 
Sanction must l)e ratified ; and France would not hear 
of such a thing. Charles would do nothing without his 
Pragmatic Sanction ; Fleury would do nothing with it. 
In such ch-cumstances, the Congress did absolutely 
nothing. It sat on for some eighteen months, chiefly 
engaged in dining ; acting out as great a farce as had 
been played at Cambrai. Once more the diplomatic 
futility was ended by a private arrangement. Spain, 


which had been left in isolation at the close of the war, 
was alarmed lest too close a union sliould arise between 
the Emperor and the other powers. Elizabeth accord- 
ingly required from him an explicit consent to the 
marriages of the Austrian Arch-duchesses with the two 
Infants of Spain. Charles refused to make any definite 
statement, and Elizabeth at once turned to private 
negotiation. The result was announced in Xovember 
172 [I, when a new treaty, the Treaty of Seville, was 
produced ; England, France, Holland, Spain, all now in 
agreement, while the Emperor was left to look out on 
Europe alone. The treaty was not made at Sois-ons at 
all, but at Seville, where the Spanish Court then was ; 
Stanhope having left the futile Congress and returned 
to Spain to complete the business. Absolute peace, 
said diplomacy with its never-faihng humour, should 
exist between England, Erance, and Spain ; a pleasant 
arrangement to which Holland soon afterwards became 
a fourth party, while Spain was specially gratified by 
the agreement that the 6,000 neutral troops garrisoning' 
towns in the Italian Duchies for which Don Carlos was 
waiting, should be changed for Spanish .'^oldiers, to 
make assurance doubly sure. This was the one thing 
which brought Spain to agree, for it made Don Carlos 
seemingly safe at last. The treaty was fairly advan- 
tageous for England too, for it said not a word about 
Gibraltar, but tacitly dropped the Spanish claim ; and 
on the commercial side a real peace "with Spain was 
much to be desired. Stanhope was immediately made 
Earl of Harrington for his sliare in this business, and 
Walpole politically felt the good effects of it, and wa^ 
r-onsiderably helped in his next session of parhament by 
its happy accomplishment. 

Thu- in his turn the Emperor was left standing alone, 


he and his Pragmatic Sanction in an unhappy condition. 
He had managed to displease everybody. He had made 
France and England angry by his secret Treaty of 
Vienna. He had made Spain angry by not fulfilling that 
treaty. And now he was made angry himself by the 
union of France, England, and Spain against him. He 
was so angry that he prepared for war, declared that if 
Spanish troops ventured to enter Tuscany he would 
himself drive them out, broke away altogether from his 
understanding with Spain, and seized Parma on the 
death of its Duke. But Walpole was anxious that 
Charles should not be driven to extremities. Very 
cautiously AValpole was already attempting to gain him 
over, and was in the midst of a secret negotiation with 
him, when in January L731 the English parliament met. 
Of this private negotiation the opposition, which now 
reckoned Carteret among its numbers, knew nothing. 
On the contrary, they naturally supposed that the Eng- 
lish war preparations were directed solely against the 
Emperor ; that the force which the royal speech plainly 
told parliament it might be necessary to use would be 
emjjloyed to compel Charles to accept the Treaty of 
Seville. Such a line of action opened the way for a 
European danger which was very real in those days, 
and against which Carteret was always carefully on 
guard. Territorial increase of France at the expense of 
Germany was an ever-present object with French states- 
men, and in Carteret such a policy had a determined 
and unwavering opponent. If in the present instance 
France, joined by England, should attack the Emperor, 
the Rliine or the Netherlands, or both, would probably 
be the important scenes of action ; and any decisive 
success there would almost infallibly throw part of 
Germany into the hands of the French. If then there 


must be war, urged Carteret, let all necessary measures 
be taken to save the Xetherlands and the Ehine from 
such a danger; a motion which, under these polite par- 
liamentary forms, really meant : Do not, in company 
with so dangerous and interested an ally as France, 
make war upon the Emperor at all. Pulteney in the 
House of Commons supported the same view, and 
wished that he could reduce to zero and burn publicly 
in Palace Yard the innumerable treaties and counter- 
treaties that England and all Europe had with such 
infinite futihty been making ; a desire which the modern 
reader notes with aljundant syinpathy, and with sorrow 
that Pulteney could not do so. AValpole, saying not a 
word about his secret negotiation, opposed and defeated 
Carteret and Pulteney; but, if they had known it, his 
o'^\Ti wish and poHcy were in this instance the same as 
theirs. And in spite of all the gloomy appearances, war 
was not comincf after all. It was true that nothincr but 
delays and excuses had taken the place of the one 
undertaking which had brought Spain into the peace : 
the admission of the Spanish garrisons into the Italian 
Duchies. Instead of compelling the Emperor by force 
to agree to this, there were, especially on the part of 
Erance and Fleury, mere postponements, and words 
leading to nothing. Spain's angry irritabihtv would 
have flashed out into war against Charles. But TTal- 
pole's private negotiation proved happUy successful. 
After the most tedious diplomatic diiEculties, he recon- 
ciled the Emperor with England and Holland ; and one 
more treaty, hoping to be final this time, was at last 
accomplished. Thi^ was the second Treaty of Vienna, 
signed in March 17.31 ; a kind of ratification and com- 
plttion of the Treaty of Seville. The Emperor, gratified 
by EnplandV guarantee of Ids Pragmatic Sanction, fully 


yielded Spam's Italian requirements. Spain formally 
accepted this Treaty in July, and before the year was 
out Spanish troops and Don Carlos himself in person 
had firm possession of the Duchies. Spain actually had 
the Duchies ; the Emperor seemingly had his Pragmatic 
Sanction ; Europe vaguely hoped that she had peace. 

In English domestic politics not very much of real 
interest had happened during the seven years of Carte- 
ret's Viceroyalty. Steadily and stolidly, during all these 
years, Walpole had been consolidating his power, and 
at the same time had been compelling into more or less 
united action the heterogeneous forces of the opposition 
which in the end ruined him. Once, for a moment, his 
downfall had to all observers seemed certain, and even 
to himself a temporary retirement had appeared in- 
evitable. From the hot-tempered Prince of Wales, who ' 
now so suddenly, after the fatal night at Osnabriick, 
had become King George II., the chief minister of 
George I. could expect nothing but disgrace and dis- 
missal. The new King had been at no pains to conceal 
his hkes and dishkes. In the language of the political 
gutter, in the lumbering epithetic abuse of a vulgarly 
spoken age, George easily had a vulgar pre-eminence. 
When he reheved his feelings in personal criticism of 
the English ministers, Walpole was a great rogue, a 
rascal ; Townshend, a clioleric blockhead ; Newcastle, an 
impertinent fool ; Horatio Walpole, a fool, a scoundrel, 
a dirty buffoon. Walpole did not for a moment deceive 
himself by fancying that a great rogue and rascal could 
uninterruptedly continue Prime Minister of England, as 
if there were no fussily important, apoplectically pas- 
sionate little King now on tlie throne. The minister 
went to Richmond, to announce to the new sovereio-n 
the sudden death of George I. George, roused fro^ir 


sleep — he not only slept, but actually went to bed every 
afternoon — came hurriedly out, ' his breeches in his 
hand,' probably in a half-awake, irritable condition ; 
and having sulkily said to Walpole : ' Go to Chiswick 
and take your directions from Sir Spencer Compton,' 
retired, presumably to put the royal breeches on. Wal- 
pole did as he was ordered. For a very few hours, 
Compton, a respectable cypher and excessively formal 
person, seemed destined to find himself in the high 
places of politics. At Court for a moment AValpole was 
slidited as a fallen favourite : low bows were lavished 
on Compton, who took snuff and looked as wise as 
possible, while Xewcastle was trembling hke an aspen.^ 
But AValpole soon found that he had little to fear. 
Compton's ludicrous incapacitj- for the leadership Avas 
clear from the ver}' beginning ; and if George was a 
very foolish King, his wife Carohne was one of the 
wisest and most remarkable of Queens. She knew, 
and had always recognised, AValpole's political value ; 
and she was far too pohtically sagacious to allow per- 
sonal incompatibilities or the remembrance of objection- 
able epithets which "Walpole, in his usual coarse way, 
had applied to herself, to stand in the way of the 
advantageous settlement of pubhc business. The ' wee, 
wee German lairdie ' of the Jacobite songs firmly be- 
lieved himself absolute master of everv one about him, 
and espjecially of his wife. But Carohne, a strangely 
wise wife for so foolish a husband, in her prudent 
and seemingly deferential way managed George as she 
pleased ; and the first illustration of her carefully veiled 
influence Ava? the almost immediate re-establi^hment of 
Walpole in all his former power. 

Three year- later, AValpole still furtlier strengthened 
' Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 1-.0.5S . fol. 20. 


his personal position. His jealousy of colleagues who 
were too able and independent for his purpose had 
already succeeded in banishing the ablest of them to 
Dublin, and Walpole's next victim was his own brother- 
in-law, Townshend. Townshend, rough, passionate, 
impatient, but thoroughly honest and well-meaning, 
would not consent to be a mere government clerk and 
ministerial lay-figure ; Walpole -was determined that he 
should be nothing else. The firm, said "Walpole in 
city metaphor, should be Walpole and Townshend, 
not Townshend and Walpole ; but it proved impossible 
to carry on the business under either designation. 
Sullen jealousies rose to angry words. Gossiping 
writers, with a turn for the picturesque in anecdote, 
dwell almost tragically upon a personal scuffle in a 
lady's drawing-room, where swords were near flashing 
out among the patches and the tea-cups ; these pictur- 
esque details being perhaps mythical mainly. In any 
case, things had gone too far for further co-operation, 
especially now that Dorothy Walpole, Townshend's 
wife, Walpole's sister, was dead ; and Townshend re- 
signed. This strengthened Walpole ; for Townshend, 
fearing lest his own impetuosity might, in opposition, 
lead him too far and produce results which he himself 
would regret, very honourably withdrew from pohtical 
life altogether, and retired to the cultivation of turnips 
in Norfolk. 

But that was not the way with all the statesmen 
Avhom Walpole's jealous engrossment of power repulsed 
and ahenated. Walpole had himself very much to 
thank for the fact that, while he was the acknowledged 
leader of tlie Whig party, a considerable section of that 
party was banded together in direct personal, rather 
than ]X)litical, opposition to him. This knot of Whio-s 


out of place, wlio called themselves the ' Patriots,' and 
so distinguished themselves from the Whigs in place 
who were commonly known as the ' Courtiers,' was 
constantly increasing in numbers during all the earlier 
years of George II. 's reign, and Wal^jole himself gave 
them their great leader in the House of Commons, the 
Whig Pulteney. In an indirect way, this had been 
connected with the dismissal of Carteret. Pulteney, 
who had always belonged to the Walpole section of 
the Whigs, had resigned along with Walpole in 1717. 
When, after the South Sea crash, Walpole and Towns- 
hend came back to power, Pulteney returned to ofScc 
with them, but received only an inferior appointment. 
Three years later, Carteret went to Dublin, and Pul- 
teney then aspired to the vacant Secretaryship of State. 
Lord Hervey, always partial to Walpole, and always 
specially prejudiced against Walpole's two greatest 
rivals, says that Pulteney suggested this arrangement 
to Carteret while it was still uncertain whether Carteret 
himself might not get the upper hand over Townshend 
and Walpole ; and that Walpole, hearing of this, 
determined not to forgive it. The simpler reason is 
probably the true one. Walpole dreaded Pulteney's 
great abilities, and for that reason refused to appoint 
him. The Duke of Xewcastle, with the maximum of 
parliamentary patronage and the minimum of ability of 
any kind except for treachery, was a far more suitable 
man for Walpole's purpose, and became the new 
Secretary. Carteret was sent into Ireland, Pulteney 
was sent into opposition. In the coming years, these 
two men, Carteret in tlie Lords, Pulteney in the Com- 
mons, were the great leaders of opposition to the 
statesman who had treated tlicm both so badly. 

Opposition, hoAvever, beginning with the very 


beoiuniDg of the new reign, was for some few years 
very feeble and inellective. The regular opposition of 
the Tories was not very formidable ; that party was not 
itself at one; 'downright' Shippen heading its Jacobites, 
Wyndham leading the so-called Hanoverian Tories ; 
wliile Bolingbr(_)ke, whose overtures for restoration to 
parliamentary privileges Walpole had not unreasonably 
refused, worked and -wrote behind the scenes. The 
spirits of the Patriots, too, were considerably dashed 
when Walpole, after Sir Spencer Compton's few hours 
of impotent authority, appeared more iirmly seated in 
his place than ever; and though the minister's col- 
leagues were ridiculously weak, it was not possible to 
make any impression upon liis majority. For two or 
three years, therefore, practically nothing was done 
against Inm ; but in 1730, the year in which. Carteret 
returned from Ireland, the long struggle between 
GoN-ernment and Opposition may fairly be said to have 

"What line would Carteret himself take ? Early in 
his Lord -Lieutenancy Carteret had clearly seen that 
there were only two possible policies open to his choice ; 
he must side definitely with Walpole, or go definitely 
against him. He had, accordingly, through a common 
friend, endeavoured to come to a clear understandino-. 
He frankly declared his willingness and wish to be on 
terms of sincere friendship with Walpole, and left it to 
Widpole to decide whether that should be so or not. 
' If that friendship can be obtained,' Carteret wrote to 
Ids friend, liiidiard (afterwards Lord) Edgecumbe, ' I 
shall think myself happy, and be for ever faithful to it; 
if not, you will bear me witness that I endeavoured it.' 
Walpole himself described Carteret's proposal as ' the ample tender and offer of services that words 



could express ;' and wrote what he himself called a 
civil, but only general, reply to it. But when Carteret 
formally pressed the matter, it Ijecame necessary for 
Walpole to speak a little more definitely ; and it is worth 
while to let Walpole himself, in his own terrible literary 
style, show how he dealt with Carteret's proposal. He 
wrote to Townshend : — 

' Upon this, I was of opinion that I should encour- 
age him to hope for our friendship. . . . I now explained 
that upon condition he would enter cordially and 
sincerely into the King's measures in conjiinction with 
us at present in the administration, and Avithout any 
reserves, I was ready to agree with him, and as he 
knew with whom I was so far eivjaged as to do nothini;- 
but in concert, this must be understood to extend 
equally to those with whom I was engaged ; and that to 
render this reconciliation more perfect, I would by the 
first opportunity acquaint your lordship with it, and 
did not doubt of your concui-rence u])on the same con- 
ditions. By til is means, my lord, we shall hinder him 
from entering into any engagements Avith Eoxinirgh, 
Pulteney, etc. ; Ave shall have tlie use of him and lii- 
assistance in the House of Lords next Avinter, Avhere his 
behaviour may make him so desperate Avith them that 
he may have no resource. I say nothing of his sincer- 
ity, so as to answer for it ; but ^\e knoAV him enough to 
watch him, and Ijc upon our guard. ... If Ave keep 
him and nerkeley. ... I think we haA'e all that are 
Avorth having of that clan.'^ 

Walpole's literary style is A-ery di,-tre— iug ; but he 
could hardly haA-e asserted more clearly that he Avas 
Avilling emjugli to receive from Carteret all he could 

' (Jaiteiet's Iftter to Edgeciimbe and Walpnl^/.s to Townshend are in 
C'oxe's Wnlpolc, II. l->-riii. The dates are Sieiit. and (Jet. ITi'.j. 


get, and had no intention of giving anything in return. 
C'arleret cannot liave mistaken tlie spirit of Walpole's 
reply ; and as tlio years of his Irish government passed 
on must ha\e more and more clearly seen that any 
real union was impnssilile. In December Xl'll his 
friend Schaub \\-n)te frtnii Versailles that the ministers 
in London were doing all they could to undermine Car- 
teret's influence at Paris, and to represent him as 
uninfluential and on the point of falling. Walpole, in 
short, was determined to get rid of Carteret, and that 
was made perfectly evident when Carteret returned 
from Dublin to London. The only attempt to keep 
him in some slight relation to the Government was the 
offer of a ceremonial position at Court, with a stick of 
some colour or other attached to it. Carteret immedi- 
ately declined this ornamental absurdity, which Walpole 
cannot have supposed he would accept. It was the 
year of Townshend's resignation ; tlie year in which 
AValpole's supremacy became absolute. Carteret was 
only one political enemy the more, and Walpole felt 
himself vei-y firm. 

Tlie long struggle against Walpole, the great Wal- 
polean l)attle as it got to be called, faint at first, but 
growing strong and stronger year by year, till it became 
almost dramatic in its intensity, may be said to have 
begun in earnest in the year of Carteret's return from 
Ireland It A\'as not difficult to find many points for 
plausible and justifiable attacks on Walpole. His pohcy 
could not rouse much enthusiasm even amon<j his own 
supporters. He was content to let things alone ; to 
touch no abuses which were not too scandalous and 
miportunate ; to oi\-e way on all occasions rather than 
face any parhamentary trouble or risk any parliamentary 
defeat. C^ynical poHtical proceedings of this sort might 

.M 2 


be Avell adapted for securing a long hold of office ; but 
they were terribly nninterestinp-. Still, so long as seri- 
ously exciting questions did not arise, it was difficult 
for the opposition to do veiy much. It Avas not, on 
many occasions, the want of a good cau^e that ham- 
pered Carteret and Pultency, Che-tcrfield and Ajgylc: 
it was rather tJae want of much ]>olitical intere.-l in tlic 
nation at large ; the general rather heavy and dull 
.satisfaction ^nth a minister who was trusted in money 
matters, and who kept the nation faii'ly at peace. If 
the long period of the struggle is divided into two 
parts, the death of Queen Caroline in 1737 being taken 
as the dividing mark, it will be clear that in the first of 
these periods Walpole Avas practically master of the 
situation, and that the performances of the opposition 
were trifling. But in the second a change is manife-t 
at once. The Queen, Walpole"s firm friend at Court, 
Avas gone ; loiig-continued exclu.-ioii from office had 
lieightened the energies of his political adversaries ; 
and, most important of all, a number of foreign questiijns 
Avere arising for solution on Avhich lioth CViurt and 
nation Avere opposed to Walpole's views. His authority, 
therefore, gradually waned, becoming Aveaker and 
Aveaker Avith each succeeding session ; till at last tlie 
great majority Avdiich had so long registered his decrees 
failed him, and lie fell from the poAver to Avhich, till 
the very la-t moment, he clung Avith a sort of fanati- 
ral di'-peialion. 

The first of tlie^e two periods, not in many avuv- 
very interesting, and not requiring very detailed treat- 
ment even in a general history of the time. mav. in a 
biography of ('arteret, l)e passed over Avith cimiparative 
lightnc". FniTii NoM to 17o3, the parliaraentai'v se-- 
,-iou- Avcre verv quiet. But in ITo-J tliere Avas a decided 


storm ; and although Carteret had nothing personally 
or politically to do with it, it served to produce some 
curiously absurd criticism of his cliara<;ter by Queen 
Caroline. Walpole had proposed his celebrated Excise 
sclieuie ; a scheme which, in his own words, would have 
tended to make London a free port, and the market of 
llic world. ]5ut there was a general outcry against it. 
The vciy name of Excise was hateful ; and though AYal- 
j)()lc's plan was of the most moderate and restricted 
kind, unscrupulous writers and speakers did not hesitate 
to ruin it by the most falsely exaggerated alarms. It 
would have merely altered the method of collecting 
the duties on wine and tobacco; but it was ])ersistently 
lepresented and everywhere spoken of as a scheme for 
taxing everything, down to the most necessary articles 
of food and dress The unscrupulous agitation caused 
great excitement in the country ; and parliamentary 
t'ircles eagerly discussed the important question : What 
will Walpole do ? 

To llie interesting companion question: What will 
the Opposition do P a partial answer was soon given Ijy 
a (•oiisi(leral)le seetion of the House of Lords. Kothing 
was so powerful a su])port to Wulpole as the steady 
favour of the tiueen. This hlxcise incident which had 
roused such ianorant i)assion and universal alarm might, 
thought some of the peers, well lie used to weaken 
Walpole's influence in that (juarter, and to frighten 
Carohne by convincing her that the Prime Minister 
Avhora she supported was the most unpopular man in 
the country. This rather amateurish plan was adopted ; 
and the Earl of Stair (of later Dettingen renown) was 
chosen to approach the Queen with argument and with 
oratory. Unwilhng to spoil the effect of his haranyue 
by the mildness of his language. Stair asserted that 


never was a minister so universally hated as Walpole, 
and that his olistinate insistence on hi^^ Excise scheme 
was eiiilangerinp- the crown. Stair became almost trapii' 
in remonstrances ; in a sccmiiiLily snperlluons way 
liinted that EiiLdislimcn never would Ije slaves; and, 
forgettinp- that lie Ava< in the Court of T-^eoi-ge II., 
solemnly spoke about his i;onsciencc. 'Ah ! my lord !' 
burst out the Queen, ' ne me pnrle: point de conscienre ; 
vous iTic JiiitpR ertumuir. 

Caroline, who had a very sharp tongue, and \\'a> 
quite well awai^e of that fact, castigated Lord Stair in 
a very outspoken fashion. Slie frankly told him that 
liis profes-ioji* i>f patriotism only made her laugh ; and 
she let him understand that slie reckoned him merely 
a puppet in the hands of two worthless men of genius. 
The interesting fact here is that Carteret was one of the 
two men whom the Queen had in her mind. Lord 
Bolingbroke ^vas the other ; and Caroline bracketed 
them together in tln^ ungrammatically vigorous sen- 
tence : ' My Lord Bolingbroke and my Lord Carteret, 
whom you may tell, if you think fit, that I have long 
known to be two as wortlile^s men of parts as anv in 
this country, and Avhom I have not only been often 
told are two of the greatest liars and knave- in anv 
country, but whom my OAvn observation and experience 
have found so.' ^ From tlie point of view of ungrani- 
matical vigour nothing could be finer ; but as far a.-^ 
Caiteret i- concerned there is not a word of truth in this 
impetuous accusation. Queen Caroline had no right to 
bracket Carteret and Bolingbroke as working together 
in pohtical Ufe ; for beyond the fact that they were 
both in opposition, they had no political connection of 

' Lnrd Ilt-rv^y, ^ItiwAi-i, I. ]"1, ITi' ; -w-ho had Li= account cf the ii;tei- 
view iiom the Qui^en hei-self. 


any kind wliatever. The other charge of lying and 
knavery is with regard to Carteret simply and supremely 
ridiculous. Caroline's sharp sayings were never par- 
ticularly refined ; but noisy bombast of this kind brings 
her lilcrary style down almost to the level of her tyran- 
niral little lord's outbursts of passionate and personal 

There is no evidence that Carteret had any share in 
tliis ratlier weak and quite ineffective attempt to shake 
the Queen's confidence in Walpole. Carteret spoke out 
his opposition to the minister frankly and uncompro- 
ijiisiiigly from his seat in parliament; but on this sub- 
ject lie had nothing to say, for the Excise Bill never 
readied the House of Lords. So powerful Avas the 
ojiixisition in parliament, and so excited the feeling in 
the country, that though A\'alpole was firmly con\inced 
of the excellence of his plan, and though the King and 
Queen gave him all the supj^ort in their power, the scheme had to be dropped. This was a check 
which Walpole felt very much. His usual gay indif- 
ference momentarily forsook him. Yet, after all, he 
managed, as he always did in such cases, to gain some 
temporary advantage from what was undeniably a de- 
feat. He at once dismissed from their official positions 
those who had either actually opposed him on the ques- 
tion, or had not effectively enough supported him. In 
this way Chesterfield was dismissed. Unfortunately for 
Walpole personally, such temporary advantages unfail- 
ingly brought their revenges. Every dismissed official 
surely found his way into the ranks of the opposition. 
The jealously imperious minister was left more and 
more to surround himself with mediocrities only, whose 
support, satisfactory enough for the moment, could not 
be any long-lasting strength. Long as Walpole's Govern- 


raent existed after tlii- incident, holding hard to office 
and practically doincr nothing else, the beginnincr of the 
end may fairly be dated from 1733 and the Exci-e 
scheme. The opposition, especially in the Ilon^o of 
Lords, where C'ai'teret wa- already clearly becominff its 
loader, began to be more defiiiilc, vigorous, and im])ort- 
ant. Walpole liimself increased its nnmlicis next year 
by dismis-;ing the Ear]< of Marclimont, Bolton, and Cob- 
ham, w]io«e conduct had failed to satisfy him. Carteret, 
Chesterfield, Argyle, Bedford, and Stair were far too 
strong for a fussily ridiculous Duke of Xewca^ile and 
for such other official supporters as Walpole could 
muster in the House of Lords, and his position in that 
House at least was far from .satisfactor}'. 

The years immediately following AValpole's Excise 
defeat, occupied almost exclusively with domestic 
politics, are chiefly interesting, so far as Carteret i- 
concerned, for their evidence of his decisive pre-emin- 
ence in oppi'isition. .':^onio fjbservers, with a turn for 
the small gossip of political accommodation^, professed 
to believe that Carteret was already secretly anxioii~ 
for a reconciliation with Walpole. Lord Hervey, who 
might easily have spared ]iim«elf the trouble, thouglit 
it worth while to a-k "Walpole if there wa^ any truth 
in these rumour-^. "Walpole"- answer had at least the 
merit ijf idearnes*. ' He asked me,' reports Hervev. 
' if I thougrht liirn mad enoutrh ever to trust such a 
fellow as that on any consideratirm. or on any promi-e-^ 
or professions, A\dthin the walls of St. James's.' 'I had 
some difficulty,' added he, ■ to get him out : but he 
shall find much more to get in again.' ' From Wal- 
pole's personal point of view, it was decidedly a wise 
thing to put a strong barrier between Carteret and 

■ Ll.i-J litrvev, J/f„.wV , I. Hj\, 46i'. 


C'oiirl favour. C'ai'tei'cl, on tlie otlior liantl, had an un- 
questioned right to further, by all fair methods, his own 
and his party's political interests. Walpole could not 
appropriate quite all the political field to himself and 
to the insiirnificant officials who were allowed to call 
themselves his collca!j:ues. That Carteret should desire, 
after all that had passed, to take oflice in Walpole's 
Government, was too ridiculous to l)e believingly as- 
serted ; but lie was a practical statesman of large and 
seriously considered ^'iews, ai:d naturally and neces- 
sarily desired to be able to give effect to his political 
opinions. There was none of the hypocritical humility 
in Carteret which professes, when out of office, to be 
entirely indifferent to the possession of political power. 
But just for this very reason, Walpole could not have 
desired a fairer, more straightforward political adver- 
saiy. Tlie practical certainty that he himself must soon 
be liigh ill power made opposition in Carteret's case 
only a little less responsible than government itself. A 
fair instance of his parliamentary conduct in opposition 
occurred in tlie session of 1736. The Quakers were 
anxious for relief in a small matter which pressed hard 
on their cf)nscientious scruples. AValpole was desirous 
to meet their views ; but the bishops would not hear of 
it. The bishops had their way, and threw out the 
small measure of relief. George and Caroline — the 
(Jiieen Avas never very orthodox — were both exceed- 
ingly angry. ' Scoundrels ; black, canting, hypocritical 
rascals,' George called the bishops in his passionate 
style ; and hard words fell thick on them in parliament 
and in the country. The Duke of Argyle abused them; 
Lord Cliief Justice- Hardwicke dwelt bitterly on their 
ricli plurahties; and Carteret, while declaring that 
every one knew his extreme hostihty to the existini«- 


Government, asserted tliat he would never join in at- 
tacking soix minister wlio was ecclesiastically insulted. 

More serious annoyance than the bigoted opposition 
of tlie bislicips soon interrupted the placid securit)' of 
the rinvernment. TJjis same year 1736 was one of 
consideraljle disturljance thrrniLfhout the country gener- 
ally ; but none of the more or less riotous outlireak- 
attracted such general attention as the so-called Porteous 
riots at Edinburgh. A well-known smuggler had been 
arre-ted and sentenced to death. There was always 
a lurking feeling of sympathy with oflcnces of the 
smuggling kind ; and, in this particular case, the rather 
romantic way in whicli the impri-oned smuggler had 
as^i^ted the escape of a fellow-prisoner had quite 
turned popular sentiment in his favour. To avoid, if 
p(i>-ible, a riot and a probable, attempted re-iue of 
the prisoner, the Edinburgh Town Guard, under Cap- 
tain Porteous, Avas drawn up at the place of execution. 
The sentence, however, was carried out quietly enough ; 
Ijut immediately afterwards all was in confusion. The 
mob was very large ; stones began to fly at Porteous and 
hi- Guard, who still storid under arms round about the 
gallows. ' Fire I ' said Captain Porteous to his men ; and 
'^ome lialf-dozen of the crowd fell. Porteous was at once 
put upon his trial for this order, and to the fierce de- 
liglit of the infuriated people was sentenced to death. 

The ca-e of Porteous seemed, however, somewhat too 
hard ; and, in response to an influential petition from 
Scrjtland, Queen Caroline — for George had already 
escaped to Hanover — sent down a reprieve. But the 
Edinburgh mob ^vas in no mood to surrender its victim. 
It seized the city gate- : broke into the prison ; dragged 
Porteous to the C-i-rassmarket. and there formally carried 
out the sentence to its own complete satisfaction, meet- 


ing its own views of legal requirements by punctually 
paying for the necessary rope. Then it quietly dis- 

Something of the sort had been expected, but no 
Ijrecautions had been taken. General J\b)yle, who 
commanded the King's troo])s in Scotland, was in the 
suburbs of Edinburgh ; and late at night, while the 
riot that preceded the execution of Porteous was still 
taking its course, Lindsay, Member for Edinburgh, 
slipped out of the city by a small wicket-gate which 
was not in the hands of the rioters, and went in search 
of Moyle. But Moyle would not move, declining to act 
against the rioters unless ordered to do so by the civil 
magistrates. So the hours passed by, and absolutely 
nothing Avas done. And when, later on, the Edinburgh 
nuigistrates imdertook a judicial investigation of the 
affair, it proved impossible to produce condemning 
evidence that had any legal weight. The Queen was 
very angry. She was very angry with Moyle, and 
dechired that if the rioters deserved to be hanged he 
deserved to be shot. She was indignant Avith the 
magistrates who had done nothing to hinder or to 
punish the riot, and with the people of Edinbui-gh 
generally, Avhose zeal against Porteous made it impos- 
sible to procure either prisoners (u- witnesses. And 
slie felt considerable personal pique that this outbi'eak 
against authority had occurred whde the government 
of the country was in Jier hands. 

Parliament accordingly turned to the matter. Par- 
liament had been waiting long Ibr the return of the 
King, whom bad weather was detaining abroad ; but 
at last could Avait no longer, and opened itself Avithout 
him, in the l)eginning of February 1737. The absent 
Kmg's speech Avas eloquent in condemnation of the 



riotous insults which had been offered to tlie Grivern- 
ment, and it Avas impossible to avoid parliamentary 
inquiry ; yet the question somewhat anno^^ed and em- 
loarrassed AValpole. He was anxions not to irritate the 
Sfotcli, and feared any po^-ible unpleasaiituess in the 
proceedings which mii^ht alienate them from his Go- 
vernment. Ill-natured ob'^ervers like Lord Ilervey, 
who always <iu out of their waj- to find mean, >piteful 
reasons when plain common-sense ones are starint^- them 
in tlie fare, asseit tliat this difficulty of Walpole's was 
Carteret's cliief inducement to take a leadinL'' part in 
the parliamentai-y investip-ation. Here Avas Carteret's 
iliance, says in effect Hervey ; why should he not turn 
Scotland again-t AValpole, and make a grand electoral 
move of it P Simpler persons, looking without preju- 
dice, see things differently. The support of the Govern- 
ment of the country against lawless outbreaks was as 
important to Carteret, who had Ijeen a minister and 
might at any moment be one again, as it was to Wal- 
pole himself Walpole's enthusiastic but inextricably 
chaotic biographer distinctly states that Carteret'- 
action was a relief to Walpole. and helped him Ciut of 
his endjarras>nient. 

In opening the rpiestion, Carteret, "while severely 
condemning the lawless doings of the Edinbui-gh mob, 
declared his own view that the condemnation of 
Porteous liad been illegal, and hoped that the conduct 
of the magistrates, as well as the action of the rioters, 
would be taken into consideration. All thi^ is now of 
no consecpience or intere-t to an}- one ; but there are 
glimpses of Carteret's personality, and evidence of the 
reasoned seriou>ness of his political principles, in the 
remaining records of this quite temporary episode. 
'In tlie body politic,' -aid L'artcret in one of his 


speeches, ' as in the body natural, while the cause 
remains, it is impossible to remove the distemper. . 
I sliall never be for sacrihcing the liberties of the 
])eople, in order to prevent their engaging in an}^ riotous 
proceedings; l)ecause I am sure it maybe done by a 
much more gentle and less expensive method. A aviso 
and a prudent conduct, and a coustant pursuit (if 
upright and just measures, will establish the authorily 
as well as tJie power of the Government.' Carteret had 
already explained what he meant by the distinction 
lietween authority and power. ' Power and authority 
we must always look on as two things of a very 
different nature. Power, the legislature may give ; but 
authority it can give no man. Authority may l)o 
acquired by wisdom, liy prudence, by good conduct 
and a A'irtuous behaviour ; but it can be granted by no 
King, by no potentate upon earth. A man's power 
depends upon the post or station lie is in ; but his 
authority can depend upon nothing but the cliaracter 
he acquires among mankind.' And then in one short 
decisive sentence lie clenched his definition by appl5dn!i 
it to the Government of the day. ' I must observe, and 
I do it without a design of offendmg any person, that 
ever since I came into the world, I never saw an ad- 
ministration that had, in my opinion, so much power 
or so little authority.' 

Carteret's proposal that the Provost and magistrates 
of Edinburgh s^hould be summoned to the bar of the 
House of Lords was agreed to. On the appointed dav, 
these ollicials were duly in attendance, and Carteret, 
t(_) liclp the House in its management of the business, 
skctclied tlie lines wliich the examination should follo\v. 
Hut having done so mucli, he very justly thought that 
the arrangement of further and decisive action was 


work for the Government itself. Carteret had done, as 
he said, his duty so far; it was now time that respon- 
sible Government should take its responsible place. 
Yet no sooner were the ministers thus compelled to act 
for themselves than the conduct of the affair fell into 
almost complete confusion. The examination of the 
magistrates by the House of Lords showed cleaiiy that 
the Edinburgh people had set their hearts on the death 
of Porteons, and that the magistrates, thoiigli certainly 
forewarned bj' common rumour, had taken no precau- 
tionary measures of any kind. Thus neitlier of the 
political parties could deny that punishment Avas de- 
ser\'ed and necessary ; there was only one r[uestion in 
dispute: Wliat shall the punishment be? On this 
question the contests were frequent and violent. Those 
of the peers who held more closely to Walpole, and 
naturally such Scotch peers as the I'uke of Argyle 
and his brother Lord Isla, were opposed to any severe 
measures. But Newcastle, who was not at present on 
very good terms with Walpole, and the Lord (Jhancellor 
opposed these milder arguments ; and they were joined 
by C'arteret's friend Sherlock, Bishop of Salisbury, who 
took this opportunity of repaying ^Vrgylc for tlie attacks 
which he had lately made on tlie bishops generallv. 
The views of this stronger pai'ty seemed likely to pre- 
\ail. and AValpole was induced Ijy the remonstrances of 
Xewcastle and the Chancellor to show a little more 
sijvcrity. and especially to agree that the chief of the 
judges at the trial of Porteous should be immediately 
summoned to London. But here AValpole's friend 
Hervey, a leading sup])nrter of the moi'e moderate 
partv, struck into the argument. He went to the 
Queen, with whom he was r,n the most intimate terms, 
and urged liis views upon her with vow con.siderable 


succesy. Caroline sent for Newcastle and bullied him. 
' What the devil,' she said in her strong way, ' signifies 
all this bustle about the Scotch judges ? Will worrying 
the Scotch judges be any satisfaction to the King for 
the insult offered to the Government in the murder of 
Torteous ? ' Newcastle, Avho was as timid as he was 
ridiculous, Avas terribly frightened by the Queen's 
attack ; and from that moment the whole affair went 
forward in a half-hearted fashion. The many debates 
on the punishment which should be dealt out to Edin- 
burgh ended in the gentle resolution that its Provost 
should be for ever disgraced, and that one of its city 
gates should be pulled down. And even this mild 
sentence was in the end made milder still. 

The action taken in regard to the conduct of the 
judges and the legality of the sentence on Porteuus was 
e\cn more feeble and inconsequent. Carteret moved 
to declare that the condemnation of Porteous Avas 
erroneous, and discussed the question thoroughly from 
the point of vicAV. But practically nothing Avas 
done. The Lord Chancellor, in spite of all his Avarni 
talk, Avas noAv for <'aution and delay. NeAvcastle, 
thoroughly iVightened, did indeed help Carteret by not 
speaking in support of him ; but helped in no other 
Avay. The thing became almost farcical. The Sccilch 
iudgcs had been got up to London, after debates of 
jiassionate excitement. The Lords could not agree Avliat 
to do Avith them. Sliould they be examined at the bar, 
or at the talilc, or on the Avool-sacks ? Seat them on 
the Avool-sacks, urged one party. Wliat right have 
Scotch judges to sit on English wool-sacks I'' cried 
another. To get rid of them altogether, and as soon as 
possible, remained the only common-sense escape from 
a situation Avhich was becoming ridiculous merely ; and 


a most lame conclusion ended the whole business. 
Edinburgh was to pay a fine of 2,000/. to Porteous' 

The combined influence of Court and Government 
had been too strong for CartcrL't, and he had been com- 
] idled to give way. Ilervey repeats a conversation 
which he had witli Carteret after Parliament had 
decided that the Scotcli judges should be allowed to go 
lioine again. -You saw,' said Carteret, ' I found how 
it went, and made my retreat. Whilst Lord Chancellor 
and the Duke of Newcastle went along with me, I 
thought I could deal with you . . . but I found my 
Lord Isla and you had got the better of him and the 
Duke of Newcastle at St. Jame-'s ; and when I felt how 
matters stood, I retu-ed too.' 'But,' said Hervey. ' if 
this Avas your opinion, how came you not to let your 
friend Sherlock into the secret Y — for the bishop had 
Ijeen anxious to detain the judges in London. ' AVhy did 
you not tell him that half the pack of tho~e hounds on 
whom you mo-t depended were drawn oft', and the game 
e-caped and safe, instead of leaving his lordship there 
to bark and yelp by himself, and make the silly he has 
done r Carteret's reply was very keen. ' Oh ! he talks 
like a parson ; and consequently is -o used to talk to 
people that don't mind him. that I left him to find it 
out at hi.'~ leisure, and shall liave him again for all this 
whenever I want him.'^ 

Only one other incident in this terribly Vjarren and 
unintere-ting period of Engli-h dome-tic history — it 
would I)e liard to find a more completely liarren decade 
ill home politii - than the period from lTl^7 to 1737 — 
reqtiires ^ome notice as 1 Hearing on Carteret"~ political 
life. As the King himself had quarrelled with George I., 

' L'lid JlervfyV V-m').';-.-, II. .-JJ.j, ;Ji'l. 


so his own son Frederick, Prince of Wales, was on 
exceedingly bad terms with George II. What the 
particular cause of disagreement was, whether even 
there was any one definite cause or not, is not very 
clear or at all important. Perhaps as much as any- 
thing else, the unfortunate double-marriage scheme, in 
the neighbourhood of which Carteret had found himself 
for a moment, may have been at the bottom of it. 
George I., the grandfather, had never been very eager 
for this arrangement, and in the end had quite ceased 
to favour it ; while George II. and Frederick AVilliam 
of Prussia were never on cordial terms. 'My cousin the 
corporal' had very limited admiration for ' my cousin 
the dancing-master.' But the third party. Prince 
Frederick himself, held very decided views on the 
question. The marriage Avith Wilhelmina of Prussia 
was a thing he was resolved on, and idle rumour soon 
formed a complete myth about it and him. Eumour 
A\-as shocked to assert that as all otlier methods seemed 
hopeless Frederick had impetuously decided on a secret 
match, and that George, hearing of the terrible 
piece of insubordination, had imperatively ordered the 
discomfited Prince to show himself in London at once. 
All of which is mythical ; and fact notes only that 
Frederick came to London in December 172^. Till 
now the King had very gladly done without his son's 
presence; had very willingly left him to liis own idle, 
lounging ways at Hanover, lint it was hardly possible 
to overlook the heir to the crown any longer ; and in 
ol)edience to ordei's, Frederick, aged twenty-two, arrived 
in England. He was coolly received, and for some 
two or three years did no particular harm to anyljodv 
e.\ce[>t hiniself. He lield aloof from politics ; doing- 
feeble pcrfornuuices in the French madrigal department 



and mild patronage of literature in a slightly imbecile 
manner. But he gradually, also in an imbecile manner, 
turned towards political affairs and especially towards 
the opposition party in politics ; gathered its leading 
men about him, and thought to find his own advantage 
out of them. Men Avhose reputation was already made, 
Carteret, Pulteney, Chesterfield ; younger men whose 
reputation was still to come, Pitt, Lyttelton, the Gren- 
villes, the ' boy patriots,' as Walpole called them, the 
' Cobham cousins,' as others nicknamed them, were more 
or less closely mixed up with the foolish Prince. They 
were the most brilliant set of pubhc men in London, 
and were backed up by the leading men of letters, by 
Carteret's friend Swift, Pope, Thomson, G&j, Arbuthnot ; 
all disregarded by AValpole, who thought that any Grub- 
street scribbler would do as well. These opposition 
leaders all despised the Prince ; they could not do 
otherwise ; but they accepted what aid he could give 
them, and the countenance they showed him filled the 
King and Queen with vexation and anger. When 
Caroline occasionally indulges in venomous abuse of 
Carteret and other opposition statesmen, it is well to 
remember that the Queen had a personal reason for 
regarding them with bitter ill-will. 

In these circumstances, the original estrangement 
of the Prince from his parents went on widening in 
a rather rapid way. Further causes of dispute arose 
from time to time. Frederick quarrelled with his sister 
because she ventured to be married before him. He 
set himself at the head of the Lincoln's Inn Fields' 
opera because the rest of the royal family patronised 
the Haymarket and Handel. His conduct was so o-ener- 
ally foolish that for some considerable time the King 
and Queen could afford to treat him with contemptuous 


indifference. But at last, in ITo-l, he took a decisive 
step. He requested an audience witli the King, and 
Walpole witli some difficulty persuaded George to grant 
it. When admitted, the Prince made three definite re- 
quests. He was in debt ; he asked an increased and 
regularly paid income. He had been disappointed of 
Wilhelmina ; he wished that some other suitable match 
should be arranged for him. And he had nothing j)ar- 
ticular to do ; he wished to go to the wars. To the 
first and last of these demands George had nothing 
whatever to say ; but he agreed that the marriage was a 
point which should be settled. This one cause of the 
Prince's discontent was soon removed. In 1735, at 
Hanover, the King's choice fell upon the young Princess 
Augusta of Saxe-Gotha ; Frederick, with good enough 
grace, assented ; and early in 1736 the marriage took 

But, as things turned out, this settlement proved 
only the starting-point of a more embittered contro- 
versy than ever. The conduct of the opposition on the 
occasion of the marriage was very displeasing to the 
King ; for their congratulations to the son were so turned 
as to be tolerably plain reflections on the father. Pitt 
made his maiden speech on this affair, and at the end 
of the session Walpole dismissed him from his cornet cy 
for it. But far more annoying to George was the action 
of the Prince himself. Frederick's not very large allow- 
ance of 24,000/. a year had been, on his marriage, in- 
creased by his father to 50,000/. In Frederick's view, 
this was merely robbing him. George himself, when 
Prince of Wales, had had 100,000/. a year ; parliament, 
when it settled the Civil List on the King at his acces- 
sion, had meant that Frederick should have the same ; 
to give him an income of 50,000/. was therefore, 

jsr 2 


Frederick argued, really nothing else than to rob him 
of half his due. But it was useless to attempt to 
move George. The King would not yield, and the 
Prince of Wales, insisting that common justice was 
denied him, at last resolved to lay his grievances before 

The Queen would not for some time believe that 
Frederick's resolution was really taken, and through all 
the stages of the question she showed great concern and 
anxiety. Her language about the Prince was terribly 
strong, while Princess CaroHne called her brother a 
' nauseous beast,' and, like her mother, fervently longed 
for his death. The King on no occasion minced his 
words, but he took this particular affair with a good 
deal more coolness than might have been expected. 
The Prince himself was all expectant of the result ; 
Lord Chesterfield and some of the younger discontented 
Whigs inciting and encouraging him. Political quid- 
nuncs devoted themselves to busy speculation on the 
number of his probable majority, and Walpole began 
to feel some Httle alarm. But Carteret disapproved of 
the Prince's action ; so also did Pulteney. The Prince's 
success would weaken the influence of the royal family ; 
it would be a blow to the Whig party, the chief sup- 
porters of the House of Hanover. Frederick, however, 
was resolved to go on ; private arguments brought to 
bear upon him were decisively rejected. The day for the 
parliamentary discussion was fixed, and Walpole, now 
fairly frightened by the possible dangers of the position, 
as a last resource attempted to secure a coniproiuise. 
He urged the King to send a message to the Prince, 
promising that a yearly sum should be settled on the 
Princess of Wales, and that Frederick's own income, 
which he received simply at the King's pleasure, should 


be formally settled on him. The message was seat, 
but King and Queen were both exceedingly enraged 
at its reception. Frederick's reply, quite respectful, 
but perfectly decisive, simply stated that the whole 
affair had now passed from his hands, and that he 
could not receive any proposition in regard to it. 

The two opposition statesmen who blamed Frederick 
for forcing this discussion on parhament were the two 
who, as leaders, found themselves compelled to intro- 
duce the subject early in 1737. Pulteney in the Com- 
mons, and, on the following day, Carteret in the Lords, 
urged that Frederick should be treated as his father 
had been before him, chiefly supporting their contention 
by arguments of historical precedent. Walpole, to the 
extreme delight of the Court, managed to defeat Pul- 
teney by a fair, if not very large, majority; a victory 
gained by the abstention of a considerable number of 
Tories. Carteret's speech was, on the express evidence 
of Hervey, a cold performance ; it is probable that, 
after the defeat in the Commons, Carteret renewed his 
objections to touch this question in the Lords, but was 
overruled. It is certain that Carteret despised the 
Prince ; certain also that he had no wish needlessly 
and uselessly to offend the Court. But the resolution 
to press the thing had been taken, and Carteret, with 
hardly concealed dislike, had to comply. The victory 
of the Court party in the Upper House was of course 

The whole course of this miserable affair had rather 
weakened AValpole witli the King and Queen. It was 
Walpole who had advised the message to the Prince ; 
and the message had been a complete failure. A 
victory had indeed been won in the House of Commons, 
but could not, in the circumstances, be much boasted 


of. The Queen, too, was entering into communications 
with Carteret, and hstening to his advice and argu- 
ments. This filled AYalpole with alarm at once ; and in 
his dogLfed, common-sense fashion he spoke very plainly 
h) Caroline about it, introducing Carteret at the very 
outset of his expostulations. The Queen told Walpole 
that Carteret had given her explanations of his conduct ; 
that he had been driven against his will to support the 
Prince of Wales. ' He says,' continued the Queen, ' that 
he found you were too well established in my favour 
for him to hope to suppjlant you ; and, upon finding he 
could not be first, that he had mortified his pride so far 
as to take the resolution of submitting to be second ; 
but if you would not permit him even to serve under 
you, who is there that could blame him if he continued 
to fight against you r A^liich seems a reasonable 
question. But Walpole had the inevitable answer 
ready : in no circumstances could he and Carteret 
continue to work together. The Prime ^tlinister plainly 
told the Queen that she must .choose between them. - ' I 
knoAV, Madam,' continued Sir Piobert, ' how indecent it 
is generally for a minister and servant of the Crown to 
talk in this style, and to say there is anybody with" 
whom he will not serve. I therefore ask your pardon ; 
but I thought I should be still more in the Avrong if 
I suffered your Majesty to make any agreement ^vith 
Carteret, and afterwards quitted your service on that 
event without having previously told you I would do 
so. " ^ The same unwavering re-olve that in no case 
would he accept Carteret as a colleague was about 
this same date announced by Walpole to Xewca-tle 
also. Carteret and Xewca-tle had both been West- 
minster boys, and returned together one night from a 

' Lord Ilervey's M-ia-it-f, II. I'.M-^'.'O. 


"Westminster School dinner. Newcastle, who, says 
Hervey, was half-intoxicated, Avent that same night to 
Walpole's, and, probably in a state of maudUn imbe- 
cility, offered himself as surety for Carteret's good be- 
haviour, if only AValpole would accept him. Walpole's 
brother, Horatio, and Newcastle's brother, Henry Pelham, 
alone were present. There was no ambiguity about 
Walpole's reply. ' I am glad, my lord, you have given 
me this opportunity once for all to let you know ni}' 
detemiined sentiments on this matter. . . . Your Grace 
must take your choice between me and him ; and if 
3'ou are angrj" at ni}' saying this, I care not ; I have said 
it to your betters, and I'll stick to it.' ^ 

To Walpole's asseverations and arguments the Queen 
replied with assurances of her confidence ; and, the 
parhamentary session of 1737 being now over, the 
Premier left London for his usual hunting and riotous 
joviality at Houghton. He was hardly back again when 
he was renewing his complaints at the Court, and tor- 
tured by his anxious jealousy of Carteret. He thought 
that jMrs. Clayton — better known as Lady Sundon, one 
of Voltaire's friends during his English sojourn — was 
urging Carteret's claims on the Queen, and in language 
(if his habitual brutality called her a ' damned invete- 
rate bitch ' for her pains. Caroline herself told Walpole 
that Carteret was writing the history of his own times ; 
and vague rumours spread of mysterious meetings be- 
tween Carteret and Lady Sundon, ' on the Queen's gravel 
walk in St. James's Park,' where the conversation turned 
on this literary performance ; and where, if Lady 
Sundon and Hervey are to be literally trusted, this one 
definite sentence was spoken by Carteret : 'Madam, if 
you dare own at Court you talk to so obnoxious a man 

' Lord Hervey 's X'emoiis, II. 3-34, 385. 


as I am, }Oii may tell the Queen I have been giving her 
fame this morning ; ' a remark Avhich, in that precise 
form, it is tolerably safe to say -was never made by 
Carteret. Caroline once exchanged a few words with 
Hervey on this liistory of Carteret's, when the irascible 
little Bang — who did not yet know how valuable Carteret 
Avas to be to him — broke out : ' Yes, I dare say he will 
paint you in fine colours, t/iat dirty liar ! ' ' AMiy not? 
said the Queen. ' CTOod things come out of dirt some- 
times ; I have eat very good asparagus raised out of 
dung.' What a charming Court ! ^ 

George's passionate outbursts against a statesman 
of Avhom, so far, he kncAv only tlii-, that he was in 
opposition, are, of course, of no real significance. 
Caroline, though her language lost little of its coarse 
vigour, was distinctly inclining towards Carteret. But 
it was just at this period that the quarrel in the royal 
family took an exceedingly aggravated turn ; and tliis 
aggi'avation biings with it distinct proof that the King 
and Queen judged and spoke of Carteret not as a states- 
man — they had practically had no experience of him in 
office — but entirely from a personal point of view. He 
was more or less mixed up in a bitter family quarrel. 
It was little to his taste to be concerned in it at all ; and 
some few years later, Avlien he was himself practically 
Prime Minister, he Avas doubtless thinking of the vexa- 
tion caused to everj^ one AA^ho had anything to do Avith 
this miserable squabble, when he wrote to one of the 
English ambas-adors abroad: 'The family all'airs of 
Princes are of such delicacy, that ministers in their Avit- 
Avill never interfere if they can pos-ibly help it.' ^ It Avas. 

' At this period, C'arteitt. OlifMei field, and Bolingbroke were all a.=- 
sumed to be writiiiL' Memoirs uf their time. Nothing k known of ( 'artt-refs 

' Add. AISS. 22,.>!4: fo].r,r,. 


liowever, impossible for Carteret as a political leader to 
stand entirely apart from tlie dispute ; and nothing is 
clearer than the fact that the language used by the King 
and Queen about him depended entirely on the fluctua- 
tions of this domestic quarrel, and on nothing else what- 
ever. If Carteret was thought to be encouraging the 
Prince in what his parents regarded as outrageous 
behaviour, then at Court endless variations were played 
on the one theme — ' liar.' But when it was rumoured 
that Carteret disapproved of Fredei'ick's conduct, the 
lancjuasfe of the Court veered round ; the ' liar ' was 
followed by an explanatory mitigating ' but.' In this 
wa}" the temporary personal judgments of a very clever 
woman and a very foolish man found adequate expres- 
sion ; but the language, either of praise or blame, is 
from no other point of view of even the slightest im- 

A vague sort of reconciliation had been brought 
about in the roj^al family at the close of the quarrel- 
some session of 1737 ; and in the summer recess King, 
Queen, Prince, and Princess were all staying together at 
Hampton Court. This idyllic state of things did not 
last. Very suddenly, without a syllable of information 
to the King or Queen, the Prince hurried his wife away 
to St. James's Palace, in order that her child miglit not 
be born in the house where his parents were. Feeble 
excuses were made by the Prince in attempted justifi- 
cation of his conduct, but there was practically no 
defence. The anger which George and Caroline had 
previously felt against their son was trifling compared 
with the passion which now consumed them. Caroline, 
indeed, in common decency could do no less than visit 
her daui^'hter- in-law on this interesting occasion : no one 
had any fault to find with the Princess, who simply had 


to do what her husband told her. But after that one 
visit, all intercourse with the Prince was instantly 
broken off. The King and Queen sent him a message, 
expressing their extreme anger, and bluntly declining 
to see him. It was all that Walpole could do to pre- 
vent them from declaring open war against him. George 
refused to allow Frederick to remain in his house, and 
sent him a peremptory order to quit St. James'%. ' Thank 
God, to-morrow night the puppy will be out of my house,' 
the King exclaimed after despatching this order ; and 
Caroline over and over again repeated, 'I hope in God I 
shall never see him again.' His guard was taken from 
him; foreign ministers were requested not to visit him ; 
and exclusion from the King's Court was the inevitable 
penalty for attendance at the Prince's. 

On Frederick's arrival at St. James's with his wife, 
he had summoned Carteret, Piilteney, and Chesterfield 
to meet him. They all not only privately disapproved 
of hi- conduct, but plainly- told him so. Instantly the 
King and Queen began to speak well of Carteret. He 
might be a great knave, said Caroline, but she would 
not beheve that he had had anything to do wdtn her 
son's conduct on tins occasion. The King said to Wal- 
pole : ' I know Ctateret disapproves thi-; w^hole affair.' 
Such royal sentiments were too dangerous : and Walpole 
at once proceeded to check them. He was far more 
afraid of Carteret at Court than in the House of Lord^. 
and thouglit him the most likely person to supplant him 
in the favour of the King and Queen, who both, on the 
express evidence of Speaker Onflow, di-liked Carterut 
less than any other member of the opp< isition. ^ Wal- 
pole therefore went again to Court and attacked Carte- 
ret. Carteret was a very lucky man, insinuated Walpole, 

' On-lciw's It. iniirhs; inCox^-, T]'idi,'At, 11. -jCO. 


to be high in favour in the two hostile Courts. Carteret 
asserted that his visits to the Prince were only formal ; 
and indeed, while the ro5'al quarrel was at its very 
height he had been at his own seat in Bedfordshire ; 
but Walpole dwelt so alarmingly on the subject to the 
King and Queen that these exceedingly fickle royal per- 
sonages once more changed their tone. The old ' liar ' 
theme was once again produced ; the Princess Caroline 
on this occasion performing a remarkable variation. If 
the Queen were actually to meet Carteret at the Prince's 
house, said this vivacious performer, Carteret was 
capable of endeavouring to persuade her that the devil 
had put on his figure, aeuletneiit pour lui rendre un 
iiiauvals office aaprl's d'elle. The Princess's conceptions 
of Carteret's persuasive powers, and of the devil's un- 
deniable interest in the personalities of partj' politics, 
are wanting in moderation ; but there are excuses for 
the erratic vivacity of a young girl. For Sir Eobert 
Walpole there is no excuse. He did not disdain in his 
jealous dread of Carteret to injure his rival by direct 
falsehood and deception. It is his own devoted foUoAver 
and Carteret's opponent who tells the tale. Tlie Prince 
of Wales, at his house in Pall Mall, received the con- 
gratulations of the London Corporation on the birth of 
his daughter. Printed copies of the King's message to 
the Prince were distributed on this occasion ; and moving 
comments relieved the feelings of those present on the 
conduct of a father who had turned his son and his 
daughter-in-law out of his house. The proceedings at 
this meeting were reported by AValpole to the King and 
Queen, and he informed them that it was Carteret who 
had had the message printed for this occasion. The 
King and Queen doubtless took Walpole's word ; but 
posterity knows better. More than a week before. 


Walpole himself had informed Hervey that he designed 
to let the message slip into print as if by accident. 
Hervey adds his own mild comment : ' I am apt to 
imagine that he put that upon Lord Carteret which 
was entirely his own doing.' ^ 

Walpole might' well have avoided such despicable 
trickery as this, and on this particular occasion it does 
not seem to have done Carteret very much harm. The 
Court was once more veering round, and definitely in- 
clining towards belief in Carteret and conviction that 
he was no real adherent of the Prince of Wales. He 
never had been ; he despised him while he used him. 
Frederick, who was a very imbecile creature, no doubt 
thought that Carteret and Pulteney were his very 
obedient servants, and that he could do "svith them 
as he chose. ' He had a notion,' says Lord Shelburne, 
' that he could get round anybody by talking nonsense 
to them, and after playing a dirty tiick, or being caught 
in some infamous lie by such a man as Lord Granville 
[Carteret], he Avould take them into a comer, and say 
he had " raccomode " all that.' ^ ^uch a man as Carteret 
thought otherwise. ' AThat the devil else can you think 
I ever went to the Prince for P ' asked Carteret, when 
Lyttelton reproached him for using Frederick and fling- 
ing him away. Caroline at length began definitely to 
see that this was the real state of the case ; and Wal- 
pole found her language once more tending towards 
justification of Carteret's action. As Prime ]\lLnister, 
Walpole' s opportunities for expostulation and argument 
Avere unlimited. He knew the Queen's heart was set on 
getting the better of her son. The question, therefoi'e, 

' Hervey, Memoire, II. 4Cl'. 

^ Slielliurne's Autuli'.ijrui.lnj -. in Lord E. Fitzmaurice's ShtHjurne, I. 


■vvliich it was Walpole's interest to press upon tlie Queen, 
narrowed itself down to this : Which of the two men, 
Walpole or Carteret, did she think could better lielp 
lier to defeat the Prince ? ' Is your son to be bought ? 
Walpole asked the Queen. ' If you Avill buy him, I will 
get him cheaper than Carteret. And yet, after all I 
liave said, if your majesty thinks he can serve you 
better than me [-svV] in this contest with the Prince, I 
own it is of such consequence to you to conquer in this 
strife, that I advise you to discard me and take Carteret 

Fortunatel}', the royal quarrel need not be followed 
any further. Its crowning bitterness had been in 
August and September 1737 ; before the year was 
over Queen Caroline was dead. On her death-bed she 
recommended her husband to Walpole's care ; and even 
if she liad lived, no change in the Government was likely 
to have taken place. She had received Walpole's 
arguments against Carteret with what the minislcr 
himself called a flood of professions of favour ; and 
while Walpole remained in the Government there was 
no chance of admission for Carteret in any capacity 
Avhatever. ' T am a rock,' said Walpole at this time to 
two or three of his political friends ; ' I am determined 
in no shape will I ever act with that man.' 





So far, on the side of domestic politics at least, the 
opposition could hardly be said to have had much 
practical effect. AValpole was sitting even more firmly 
in power in 1737 than in 1730. But side by side with 
these debates on the Excise, on Porteous, on the Prince 
of Wales, the poHtical afiairs of Europe had repeatedly 
called for discussion ; and it was precisely in this year 
1737 that foreign complications began to threaten very 
'•eriou; disturbances. This, too, was always the ground 
on which Walpole was most open to attack. His foreign 
policy had not only to defend it=elf against the parlia- 
mentary assaults of the opposition, but it was, on personal 
and pohtical grounds, distinctly repugnant to the King 
himself. Even Caroline warmly objected to the peace 
policy of her favoured minister. When one looks back, 
at the safe distance of a century and a half, on the first 
ten years of the reign of George IT., it is undeniable that 
AYalpole's dogged determination to keep England out of 
Polish election wars and the imending confusions and 
complications of the Empire wa- absolutely right. But 
in 1737 a question was arising -nith regard to which it 
is quite possible to beheve that Walpole's view was 
wrong. In anv case, the feeling of the nation was with 


the opposition on this point ; and Walpole's action 
regarding it was the prelude to his falL 

The second Treaty of Vienna, which liad more or 
less satisfied Spain about its Duchies and the Emperor 
about his Pragmatic Sanction, was not allowed to keep 
Europe at peace for xcry long. Soon after the begin- 
ning of 1733, August, King of Poland and Elector of 
Saxony, died : August the Strong, who, deposed by 
Charles the Twelfth, had in turn managed to depose his 
rival, and had been King of Poland ever since. His 
death was the signal for a continental quarrel Avhich 
involved Europe from S})ain to Piussia. The sole ques- 
tion at issue : Wlio shall be the new King of Poland ? 
niiglit have seemed simple enough; but it really meant 
a war in which all the leading powers of the Continent 
took part; and to keep even England out of it was a 
very hardly won triumph for Walpole. 

Stanislaus Leczinski, ex-King of Poland,whom Charles 
XII. had set up in 1704, and August the Strong had 
in turn deposed in 1709, had, after visiting Charles at 
Bender, been living quietly and comfortably on the 
borders of France, where his daughter, married to Louis 
XV., was now Queen. It would be suitable to the dig- 
nity of France that its Queen's father, who had once 
been King of Poland, should be so again ; and his candi- 
dature was naturally supported by Fleury. On the 
other liand, the Empire and Eussia favoured Frederick 
Augustus, son of August the Strong ; for Eussia feared 
that if Stanislaus were once again on his old throne 
he miglit help Sweden to recover what she had lost to 
Eussia ; and the Emperor, otherwise disinclined to the 
presence of a powerful French influence so near his own 
doors, had still his inevitable Pragmatic Sanction to 
secure in every European change. He was anxious to 


get a King of Poland who "would guarantee that ; 
and young August, eager for the Emperor's help in an 
election which otherwise would probaljly be unsuccess- 
ful for him. had already thoroughly promised to do so. 
But the first steps taken were in favour of Stanislaus 
and France. The kingship of Poland was elective, 
and the question therefore neces-arily involved bribery; 
the Pohsh Primate, into whose hands during an inter- 
regnum sovereign rights fell, had already been secured 
to the French view in the usual way. By his advice 
the Polish electors swore to clioose no foreigner for 
their King ; Augustus, a Saxon, thus seemed to be effec- 
tively excluded. But hereupon the Emperor and the 
Czarina struck in with their armies, and from their two 
respective sides, the Czarina from Lithuania, the Emperor 
from Silesia, prepared to march on Poland. France 
instantly delivered a counter-stroke, sending 60,000 men 
under Marshal Berwick to the Ehine, ready to cross 
over and fall upon the Emperor if he should venture to 
interfere against the French candidate. Yet Fleury did 
not wish war ; and most certainly Charles, poor in men 
and in money, in an almost defenceless condition, neither 
wished nor Avas ready for it. He was so eager to avoid 
any attack from France that he hoped to leave Berwick 
without any excuse for falling upon him ; and, counter- 
manding the order to his troops, he -topped their march 
towards Poland. This fir-t French success was soon 
followed by another. Tlie actual election began in 
Poland in August 1733, and according to law must be 
completed within six weeks. Dressed in disguise as a 
merchant, Stanislaus arrived at "VYar.-aw. and before the 
middle of September was actually cho-en King there. 
The 'success (>i France seemed complete. 

But tliis wa- bv no means the end of the thino-. 
Tliougli tlie Emperor had countermanded the advance 


of his troops, the Eussians had marched on and were 
joined by the Polish party in opposition to Stanislaus. 
After exactly ten days of kingship, Stanislaus found 
himself obliged to liee from AVarsaw. Another election 
was held, the Eussian soldiers being now actually in the 
Warsaw suburbs ; and just a single day within the legal 
time the crown, by the vote of a handful, was given to 

France was indignant at the insult to its Queen's 
father, and immediately declared war on the Emperor. 
It was useless for Charles to assert that he had taken 
no active steps against Stanislaus ; that he had marched 
no troops into Poland. The presence of his army on 
the frontier was essentially the same thing, argued 
France ; and Avithout further waste of time seized Lor- 
raine and crossed the Ehine into Germany. On the 
Italian side also France was prepared ; had gained over 
Spain by lai'ge promises for Don Carlos in Italy ; and 
had secured the King of Sardinia by holding out to him 
too a share of the spoil. All thus being in order here. 
Marshal Yillars passed the Alps ; and the Emperor, 
unready everywhere, was on all sides beaten upon 
and almost reduced to despair. Before the year was out 
Villars and the King of Sardinia, on the one side, had 
already got Lombardy and the Milanese ; and on the 
other, Lorraine ^A'as lost, and Berwick was preparing 
for the siege of Pliilipsburg, to gain himself a bridge 
across the Ehine, and by it penetrate well into Germany 
next season. 

When, therefore, the Enghsh parhament met in 
January 1734, the Emperor's affairs were in a very bad 
-way. The royal speech could make the satisfactory 
announcement that England was standing entirely apart 
from the war ; but how long this happy isolation might 


last was altogether problematical. Every hour the 
Emperor's condition was becoming worse and worse. 
A trifling accident might at any moment embroil 
England and Spain, and then the Gibraltar question 
would once more demand painful attention. The future 
was fuU of possible ri.-)ks and dangers ; yet the Grovern- 
ment did nothing more than slightly increase the forces. 
It was not tiU the very short parliamentary session was 
about to close that a royal message was sent down asking 
for a vote of confidence. Let the Eing, said this message, 
have power during the recess to increase the forces if 
necessary, and let parUament promise to make good 
any action which the existing state of affairs might in- 
duce the King to take. The proposal caused very warm 
debates. It was not a vote of confidence at aU, said 
tliose who opposed it ; it was a vote of credit, unconstitu- 
tional, a danger to the Hberties of the nation, making par- 
liament a farce. Government, on the other side, argued 
that in the circumstances it was essential. Money and 
men had not been asked for at the beginning of the 
session, when the utter breakdown of the Ernperor could 
not have been foreseen ; but now this mi-fortune had 
actually happened, and the King and Cabinet must ha^e 
increased joowers. Carteret, on constitutional grounds, 
took the lead in opposing this message. It was not 
factious opposition ; Carteret by no means found 
fault -with the policy of vigorous defence. His only 
objection on this side was that measures for the 
national security had not been taken long before. 
But now that the Government were at length doing 
something, why, asked Carteret, were thev doing it- in 
this unconstitutional v.'ay ? Why were in-actically un- 
limited poweis to be granted to the King, and why was 
parliament to bind itself beforehand to approval of his 


action, whatever it might be ? Do the thing in a strictly 
constitutional wa)', ^Yas Carteret's point, or leave it 
alone altogether. Then, if during the recess imminent 
danger should arise, the King had power at once to 
increase his forces and borrow moue)^, and parliament 
should immediately be assembled. 

After long debates, the Government had its way 
easily enough. But it does not seem that Walpole 
was personally very eager in the matter. He wished 
more to humour and quiet the King than anything else. 
For the unfortunate condition of the Emperor alarmed 
George. He was anxious to give the help which for a 
long time back the Emperor had been eagerly demanding ; 
the money to fight the French, which was due to him 
by the last Treaty of Vienna. If George could have had 
his own way, Charles would have had no occasion to 
complain. The King of England was completed' Ger- 
man ; here was the Emperor, his official head, reduced to 
a desperate condition by the House of Bourbon. And 
George was fond of war, in heart a soldier ; he seems 
to have held the curious conviction that he ])0ssesscd 
really unusual militaiy genius. In a pleasantly meta- 
phorical style during these early months of 1734, the 
small martial King daily rhapsodised to AValpole on the 
laurels of war, and their extreme suitability to his own 
person. \A"alpole, entering the royal presence fidl of 
business and papers, with a multitude of claims to 
satisfy, appointments to make, instructions to receive, 
found it hopeless to get himself so much as Hstened to ; 
nothing but militai'y harangues, battles, sieges, for- 
tunes, dwelt lingeringly upon by a royal Othello to a 
listener who was not seriously inclined to hear these 
things. The martial enthusiasm over, George would 
give the signal to go ; and when the minister left the 



cabinet, his business was no further advanced than when 
he had entered it. Still, in his really difficult task, 
Walpole clung firmly to his dogged resolution to keep 
out of the war. On the eve of a general election to 
plunge England into a war to give a King to Poland ! 
AVait at lea>t, urged the minister to his master, till the 
new parliament is chosen ; and meanwhile he himself 
kept on liis own way in spite of all opposition ; returned 
vague answers to the imploring, and finally indignant, 
Emperor ; bore all the abuse from Vienna ;• held out 
against King, Queen, and even his own fellow-ministers ; 
and carried his point successfully. ' I told the Queen 
this morning,' he said one day in 1734, ' " Madam, there 
are 50,000 men slain this year in Europe, and nol one 
Englishman." ' 

But though Walpole would take no active part in 
the European quarrel, he was willing enough to try what 
peaceful intervention could do. In July 1734: he sent 
his diplomatic brother Horatio over to the Hague, to 
gain Holland's assistance in an offer of mediation. 
Horatio Avas successful ; but the Empei'or would not 
hear of such a thing, and even did all he could to 
bring about the fall of AValpole. In the end, however, 
his misfortunes compelled him to listen to the pohcy of 
peace. The war had continued to go hopelessly again-t 
him. Don Carlos, leaving hi? Duchies, had marched 
south, and had been declared King of Xaplc- and Sicilv 
as Charles the Third. On the German side, though 
Berwick had been killtd in the siege of Phihpsbui-g, 
Prince Eugene had not attacked his army, and the 
French had taken the h)\xn. In such circumstance-, 
very reluctantly the Emperor agreed to ac-cept the 
mediation of the ^ea powers; and the English royal 
speech, in January 1730, announced that Encrland 


and Holland had made ready a plan of reconcili- 

The parliament to wliicli this speech was made was 
a new one. The opposition had hoped, though not 
too confidently, that the result of the general election 
might in)prove their prospects. Carteret, writing to 
the Earl of INIarchmont in June 1734:, liad said : 'We 
do not despair, nor are too sanguine. We shall find 
ourselves much weakened in the House of Lords ; we 
liave at present reasonable hopes of a very strong party 
in the House of Commons.'^ These hopes were not 
very strikingly fulfilled ; for though AValpole's majority 
was smaller than it had been, it still remained quite 
large enough for the minister's purpose. The opposition 
felt slightly depressed. Yet there -were some successes 
and encouragements. Young men of ability were 
entering parliament, and -were naturally opposed to 
Walpole's policy. This year 1735 first saw Pitt in par- 
liament as member for Old Sarum. It was Lyttelton's 
first session, too ; his, and Eichard Grenville's, after- 
wards Earl Temple, Pitt's intimate friends. On the 
Avhole, the j^rogress of the opposition, if not very 
remarkable, was distinctly appreciable, and its parlia- 
mentary activity Avas very decided. 

The notew(_>rthy point of the royal speech was its 
reference to the war. England and Holland had 
concerted plans for attempting to restore peace and 
for preventing, if possible, another campaign on the 
continent. The powers at war had agreed to listen to 
tlie mediation. Therefore, urged the Government, let 
parUament now play its due part ; express its satisfac- 
tion with the condition of affairs ; and, al)uve all, vote 
abundant supijlies. But the opposition w\as by no 

' Marchnont Papcrf, II. 28. 


means inclined to such a complacent view of the situa- 
tion. Carteret, leading the opposition in the Lords, 
and backed by Che-terfield, pierced through the various 
rose-water declarations of the official speech. One 
more treaty was to be added to the endless number of 
recent agreements, all of them intended to preserve the 
peace of Europe, and not one of them doing it. As for 
English concert with the States General, what was the 
real meaning of that ? Wliile Eiigland was spending 
money and increasing her force-, Holland did not add a 
man or a ship. The concert seemed chiefly to con'-i-t 
in telling Holland from time to time lio-w much we were 
spending. Then, when he came to the real heart of 
the question, Carteret pointed out that the acceptance 
of the mediation really meant nothing. France and 
the Emperor had given a general assent to mediation ; 
but they had not given any assent at all to the particu- 
lar plan which had been devised. Any one with a 
smattering of grammar and mastery of pot-hooks could 
draw up a plan ; but what after all was the use of 
that .^ Carteret was far too shrewd to fancy that any 
mere plan, however l^eautiful in itself, could be of much 
real value ; well-meaning mediators might produce 
harmonious arrangements on paper ; but the side that 
had been stronger in war would have very much it- 
own way in negotiations. Considering, therefore, tliat 
matters were still in an altogether doubtful condition, 
Carteret was not inclined to expre-:^ any blind approval 
of the action of the Government. He de.-ired simply to 
assure the King of a general support, and of a readiness 
for action if that should be necessary ; but he would 
have no comphments over what wa- past, and no 
premature exultation over a very uncertain future. 
The opposition was numerically too feeble to make 


uiucli impression, and the Commons soon voted the 
desired increase of the forces. Carteret spoke with 
very great distinction against this augmentation. Even 
Lord Hervey, usually so sparing of a good word for an 
opponent of Walpole, writes on tliis occasion of Car- 
teret's ' strengtli, knowledge, and eloquence,' and even 
wishes that he could give a report of Carteret's speecli ; 
a wish at every date hopelessly impossible to gratify. 
But Carteret's eloquence and strength, supported by 
Chesterfield's wit and satire, had of course no chance 
against the Government majority; though again Walpole 
himself was perhaps not very enthusiastic in support of 
his own policy, while he yielded so far to George's 
military notions, and allowed him at least the pleasure 
of possessing an army which he might not use. 

Carteret's shrewd suspicion that the proposed 
mediation would fail was soon fully justified. France 
rejected it, and everything was thrown loose again. 
Once more the Emperor made a last and most imploring- 
appeal to England. He was in a state of almost com- 
plete collapse, and was reduced to despair, almost to 
mental insanity, when England decisively refused him 
assistance. This refusal was almost entirely due to 
Walpole's dogged determination. He was ready enough 
to exhaust all the resources of diplomacy in favour of 
the Emperor ; but venture men or money in the busi- 
ness he would not. Though his first pacific effort had 
failed, Walpole undertook to try again ; attempting, 
this time, to secure a preliminary agreement with 
France. It was now well enough known that Fleury's 
real design in the whole affair was Lorraine ; that he 
was resolved to quit the war with Lorraine in his 
possession. Accepting this inevitable basis, Walpole 
came to an understanding with France ; it remained his 


difficult task to gain over the Emperor to the settlement. 
The negotiations Avere very intricate, but preliminaries 
of peace were at length drawn up, and a suspension of 
arms on the Rhine was the result, in October 17oo. 
As for Stanislaus, in favour of whose Polish claims 
France liad simulated such tragic indignation, nothing 
was required for him but an acknoAvledgrnent of titular 
royal dignity, the solid article being left in possession of 
Augustus. But France for lierself (nominally for her 
Queen's father as long as he should live) got definite 
possession of Lorraine ; its Duke Francis, -oon to l;e 
Maria Theresa's husband, receiving Tuscany in exchange. 
Don Carlos, already in possession of Xaples and .-^icily. 
kept them ; lost Lombardy was restored to the Emperor, 
and France undertook to guarantee his Pragmatic 
Sanction. Spain was quite overlooked Ijy France, and 
left out remorselessly in the cold, much to Spain's angry 
disgust, though she was forced to accept the European 
arrangement. So one more Treaty of Vienna was added 
to the already considerable number of such article-, 
securing peace to Europe for at least two or tliree 
years. Onee again AValpole, though never pretending 
to any mastery of foreign politic-, had been successful ; 
and, however the more insignificant of hi; opponent- 
might cavil and deride, the leading men in opposition 
did not attempt to withhold their approval. Bohng- 
broke, in his acrid way, declared that if the Government 
had had any hand in procuring this peace, there was 
more sense in them than he thought there had been ; and 
that if they had not, they had far better fortune than 
they de-erved. Pulteney was glad of the happy event, 
whoever might have had the honour of accomplisliing 
it ; and Carteret in lii- homely fu~liion called Walpole 
the luckiest dog that ever meddled with public afliiir;. 


Walpole's peace policy had succeeded, but it was 
for the last time. All events were already steadily and 
irresistibly gravitating towards war between England 
and Spain, and AValpole, in struggling against such a 
conclusion, was striving uselessly against fate. War 
was inevitable, and, unless war is never justifiable, 
England's war against Spain in 1739 was a just one. 
Cleared of all diplomatic chicanery and technicalities, 
and of the various petty questions which always 
accompany a great crisis, and often for a time loom 
larger than the essential point at issue, the question for 
decision really was : Has Spain the right to appropriate 
the New World to herself, and to shut England out 
from half the globe? Spain, through her not very 
magnificent patronage of Columbus, had undoubtedly 
the external credit, if Columbus had all the real glory, 
of the re-discovery of America. But because the httle 
boats in which Columbus and his comrades touched one 
or two minute specks of the new hemisphere were 
Spanish, Spain had set up a monstrous and altogether 
inadmissible claim. All America was Spanish ; a Bull 
of the Pope had satisfactorily sanctioned that ; the 
highest of clerical persons had by his Bull made all 
America a part of Spain. To the other European 
nations the divinity of the Pope's proceeding iu this 
matter -was by no means apparent ; and as occasion 
offered, and especially after Spain's naval power was 
broken and the Armada had gone to ignominious ruin, 
England, Holland, and France planted themselves here 
and there on the coasts and islands of America, and did 
such trade and commerce as were possible. Spain still 
held to the divinity of her Bull, and looked with jealous 
anger on the violation of her sacred property ; but in 
the circumstances could not effectually stop it, and 


only by various treaties and agreements tried to limit 
it to the minimum. In order to cripple the trade of 
the Old World -with the Xew, commerce might not act 
at all without a licence, and its dealings were restricted 
to certain well-defined articles ; all else was contraband, 
to be seized by the Spanish officials in the exercise of 
their Eight of Search. The English South Sea Company 
was only permitted to send once a year one ship of 
fixed burthen to trade at Vera Cruz under these limited 

Treaty arrangements of this very conditional kind 
are only definable as treaties for the production of 
contraband trade. That was their inevitable result, 
with the connivance even of Spain herself when Eng- 
land happened to be on good terms with her. The one 
South Sea ship was attended at a respectful distance by 
various others, which refilled her when her one legal 
cargo was exhausted. Smuggling traders sent off their 
long-boats to the shore, and obtained American gold 
and silver for their Old World wares. Accidents of a 
slightly fabulous kind would often compel a vessel to 
put into a Spanish port ; and opportunities for trade 
were not wanting while the mythical repairs were being 
done. So that the notion of confining the trade to the 
one annual ship began to seem a meaningless condition 
to tlie English merchants. But when, as under the fir.-t 
two Geoige- was too often the case, the relation.s be- 
tween England and Spain were the reverse of friendly, 
things w^ere altogether different. Then the Spaui-h 
guarda-costas were exceedingly vigilant ; boats were 
boarded under just suspiciijns or not ; cutlasses flaslied, 
and very angry feelings were rou-ed on each side. They 
were thousands of miles and montlis of time distant 
from Spain and England; very liot tilings, just and 


unjust, were done in those years on those otherwise 
silent seas. 

Ominous mutterings began to be heard in England. 
The journalists and pamphleteers, the loungers in the 
coffee-houses, the merchants in the city, ga^•e signs of 
unmistakable and angry excitement. Wherever one 
went, stories of the Spanish cruelty were on every hand. 
At length, towards the close of 1737, the merchants 
took a decisive step. Many hundreds of them signed a 
petition, imploring the King's redress for the wrongs 
which they had already suffered, and begging his 
efficient protection for the future. The King handed 
the petition to the Cabinet ; the Cabinet heard the mer- 
chants ; and Newcastle drew up a memorial to be de- 
spatched to Spain. The memorial was sent, demanding 
satisfaction for the cruelties and injustices of the Spanish 
officers and guarda-costas. JSTo answer had been re- 
cei\'ed when parliament met at the beginning of 
February 1738, and a session which was the decisive 
beginning of the end of Walpole's power commenced. 

The session was practically monopolised by the 
Spanisli question ; and it is worth while to mention a 
debate which took place near the beginning of it ; for 
partisan and partial writers have repeatedly misrepre- 
sented the conduct and views of some at least of the 
opposition on this particular occasion. It was a ques- 
tion of the numbers of the army for the year. Eeduce 
the army by some five thousand men, urged Pitt and 
Pulteney and Lyttelton in the Commons, and Carteret 
in the Lords. Yet, scornfully and exultingly the par- 
tisan writers urge, it was precisely these statesmen who 
were loudest in reproach of the behaviour of Spain, 
and were doing all they could to bring about a war. 
What inconsistency, petulance, factious opposition ; 


with one breath they threaten war ; with tlie next they 
weaken tlie army ! "Wliether or not there were factiously 
inconsii^teut members of the opposition is a question of 
little interest and no profit ; but that Carteret was not 
one of tliem is certain. EevieAving on this occasion the 
general condition of Europe, he admitted that as far as 
England was conce:-ned Spain Avas tlie one threatening 
spot upon the map. He spoke of the guarda-costas 
and their insults ; and, though using statesmanhke re- 
serve, did not allow his meaning to be mistaken. ' Peace, 
my lords, is a desirable thing for any nation, especially 
a trading nation ; but whoever thinks that a peace 
ought to be purchased at the expense of the honour 
of his country, will at last find himself egregiou-ly 
mistaken.' How then could Carteret, recognising the 
possibility of war, urge a reduction of the numbers of 
the army ? The answer is very simple. ' In such a 
Avar, Avhat can Ave have to do with a land army r . . . . 
It is by means of our navy only that Ave can pretend to 
force Spain to a comphance AA'ith our just demands ; 
and, therefore, if we are in danger of being involved in 
a war Avith that nation, we ought to reduce our army, 
that ire may icith the more ease augment our navy.' 
The Government, of course, objected to Carteret's pro- 
posal ; the Duke of Xewrastle, Avith well-grounded 
expies-i'ju; of diffidence, attempted to answer him. 
' Always extremely sorry when I differ from him,' said 
the apologetic Duke ; though Carteret must generally 
haA'e been glad. Carteret's A-iews Avere defeated ; but 
it is only a Avilful misreading of the facts Avhich can 
call his conduct factious or inconsistent. 

A few days before this speech of Carteret's the dis- 
cussion on the Spani-h question had begun in earnest. 
The "West Indian merchant- presented to parliament a 


petition which covered all the ground of the dispute by 
relating how Spanish promises were broken, treaties 
disregarded, and English subjects plundered and im- 
prisoned. Let the House consider all this, implored 
the merchants, and see how to put an end to it. The 
flame broke out at once. ' Seventy of our brave sailors 
are now in chains in Spain ! ' exclaimed one patriotic 
member ; ' our countrymen in chains and slaves to 
Spain ! ' As the days passed on petitions on petitions 
poured in, painfully reciting the Spanish cruelties and 
the Government's neglect. Can these things be proved ? 
asked Pulteney. If so, ' I think our ministry have been 
guilty of a scandalous breach of duty, and the most 
infamous pusillanimity.' Walpole, anxious not to oflend 
Spain, tried to smooth things down. Eedress by nego- 
tiation was not hopeless yet, he soothingly argued ; 
await the result of the representations that have already 
been made, and do not, by 2:)assionate violence, rouse 
tlie pride of Spain and make a peaceful solution of tlie 
difficulty impossible, In spite of inflammatory speeches, 
"Walpole's moderating arguments were heard with ac- 
ceptance ; and parliament and people stood aside to let 
diplomacy continue her efforts. 

The efforts of diplomacy proved of little worth. 
Spain ])aid no heed to the English expostulations ; and 
AValpole, on his part, was in no way energetic in urging 
Spain to heed. The temper of the nation was roused 
t(_) resent what it reckoned to be mere official com- 
plaisance or unworthy indifference. Parliament passed 
from receiving and reading petitions to investigating 
})articular cases, and eagerly listened to individual 
stories of cruelties, told by the sufferers themselves 
at the Bar of the House. One story more than an}- 
other roused horror and anger. Early in 1731, Eobert 


Jenkins, captain of the liehecca trader, had sailed for 
Jamaica ; and near Havana, on his way home Avith his 
cargo of sugar, had been boarded by a Spanish guarda- 
costa. To his assurances that he had nothing but sugar 
on board, the Spanish officials hstened with complete 
incredulity ; searched his ship for logwood or other 
contraband, but found nothing. Baffled in this direc- 
tion, they avenged their disappointment on the unfor- 
tunate man ; strung him up, and cut him down, on liis 
own vessel, three times over ; and, as a final outrage, 
tore off one of liis ears, and, contemptuously flinging it 
to him, bade him take that to his King, as evidence of 
Spain's views on commercial questions. Then they left 
him, plundered of his ship's instruments, to work his 
Avay home a= Ijest he might. 

Safely, though in this mutilated condition, Jenkins 
reached England, and laid his ear and himself before 
the King. Some personal compensation wa- made to 
Jenkin- himseK ; no other action at that time was taken. 
But now, in the midst of the growing excitement, this 
old story was revived. Parhament turned to Jenkins ; 
ordered him to present himself for examination, and 
heard his story from his own lips. Allowing for rhe- 
torical or theatrical exaggerations, there is no reason to 
question the essential accuracy of Jenkins's narrative, 
although cynical or interested official persons hinted 
that the pillory was responsible for the aljsence of the 
man'- ear, and although Burke afterward- called the 
whole story a ' fable.' Tlie nation accepted it a- a 
typical instance of the conduct of Spain, and was driven 
almo-t to fury by it. -We have no need of allie?.' ex- 
claimed Pulteney ; ' the story of Jenkins Avill rai-e 
vijlunteers.' Parhament took up the que-tion Avith re- 
newed interest. Pulteney, as opposition leader in the 


Commons, reviewed the whole course of Engiand's 
quarrel Avith Spain ; laid down, one after the other, the 
various rights which England indisputably had in the 
New World, and indignantly asked why Spain had been 
allowed to interfere with every one of them. Eor years 
back, he argued, our ships had been seized, our sailors 
plundered, imprisoned, tortured, enslaved ; and no re- 
paration had ever been procurable. He therefore 
pressed the House to once more categorically assert its 
privileges in resolutions which could not be mistaken. 

Walpole felt considerably embarrassed. He cuuld 
not call in question the various English rights which 
Pulteney had laid down ; yet he was unwilling to 
accept, at this particular moment, the resolutions which 
vindicated them. He urged the House not yet to be 
perem]itory and explicit, "which would make war un- 
avoidaljle ; but still to be vaguely general, to let minis- 
ters continue their negotiations, and, if possible, secure 
peace. He would not listen to Pulteney 's resolutitiui:, 
and himself proposed in their place an amendment 
drawn up in quite general terms. Pulteney severely 
reproached him for this, and bitterly contrasted Crom- 
well's manner of nen'otiatiiisj; and upholdino- the honour 
of the country with the action of a Prime Minister who 
practically cared for nothing but the meaner parts of 
office, and stood aside in passive indifference ■while the 
nation was insulted ainviad and mutinous at home. 
"Walptilc's tougli skin was probably little pricked by 
Pulteney's angry eloquence ; his majority ^\'as still sure, 
and the Patriots might storm as they pleased. 

But Carteret, in the Lords, had much better success 
tlian Pidtcnoy. The Earl of Cholmondeley, though he 
was "Walpole's own son-in-law, advocated more decisive 
action than even Pulteney had required ; and Carteret 


went further than Chohnondeley. Pulteney had demanded 
a parHamentary assertion of existing Enghsli rights ; 
Carteret went Ijeyond academical discussion, and de- 
manded an effectual securing of them. He had his eye 
on the lieart of the question. The real point in dispute 
was very large and very simple. It was not whether 
Spain had the right to seize Enghsh ships found trading 
in Spanish ports. Spain had that right, just as England 
might also confiscate Spanish sliips in corres2:ionding 
circumstances. It was not whether Spain might 
strictly hold down the one South Sea sliip to trade of 
precise limitations. By treaty conditions, Spain fairly 
had that right. The essential question was very much 
^\dder. It simply was : Has Spain the right of search- 
ing Enghsh ships on the high seas ? May an English 
sliip, sailing from English possessions in the West Indies 
home to the Old AVorld, be stopped and boarded by 
Spanish guarda-costas ? The whole English demand 
was contained in two words : Xo ^pjirclu Here was the 
e-sontial point of the whole matter, and to tliis the 
whole of Carteret's elaborate speech was directly ad- 
dressed. ' " Xo search." ' he said, ' are the words that 
echo from shore to shore of this island. ..." Xo 
search " is a cry that runs from the sailor to the mer- 
chant, from the merchant to the parhament, and from 
parliament it ought to reach the throne.' 

On this occasion the cry may be presumed to have 
reached the throne, for the Lords yielded to Carteret'- 
arguments — some even of Walpole's colleagues evident] v 
approving them — and an address wa- -out up to the 
King. Yet AValpole managed to get the se-ion finished 
A\it]iout definitely committing himself. A few slightly 
vigorous preparations were made, a- in the circum- 
stances it was necessary to do something ; but the 


minister's hopes still rested on negotiation and the 
possibilities of diplomacy. He did, after infinite diffi- 
culty, seem to succeed in a minute degree, when a 
rather vague Convention was agreed to between England 
and Spain, which arranged that plenipotentiaries should 
meet at Madrid to attempt to bring matters to a clear 
understanding. From the various treaties already in 
existence, these plenipotentiaries were clearly to extract 
the explicit regulations which limited trade and defined 
boundaries ; they were to settle the sum which Spain 
should pay to the British merchants for losses already 
unjustly suffered ; and they were — to say nothing what- 
ever about the Eight of Search ! Such Avas Walpole's 
diplomatic success, obtained after infinite difficulty ; a 
vague, conditional agreement, about this and that, in 
which the one essential point of the whole question was 
scrupulously avoided. When the thing was announced 
to parliament and the nation, it was received with un- 
bounded contempt. Chatham, speaking in the House 
of Lords more than thirty years after, dwelt upon the 
' universal discontent ' which this miserable Convention 
excited. The whole question between Spain and 
England was, indeed, one of those cases where the 
instinct of the nation was far truer than that of the 
minister. The nation instinctively felt that it was not a 
matter for negotiation at all. Carteret saw the same 
thing. Chatham's speech, delivered long after Car- 
teret's death, gives — if it were needed — direct evidence 
of this. ' This great man [Carteret, to whose memory 
Chatham had been paying a tribute] has often observed 
to me, that in all the negotiations which preceded the 
Convention, our ministers never found out that there 
was no ground or subject for any negotiation ; that the 
Si)auiards had not a right to search our ships ; and 



when they attempted to regulate that right by treaty, 
they were regulating a thing which did not exist.' 
AValpole was, in fact, applying the small, peddling 
politic? which he had known how to use so long for 
his own advantage, to a case where not peddling 
politics, but clear-sighted patriotic statesmanship 
alone would answer. 

The paltry Convention arrived in London in the 
first weeks of 1739, and on the first of February parha- 
ment met. The debate, technically on the Address, 
was practically on the Convention. Ministers of course 
spoke favourably, though feebly, of their own remark- 
able piece of work ; but the opposition attack was very 
keen. The ministry was bitterly referred to as one 
which had neither courage to make war nor skiU to 
make peace. The point of Search not being settled, 
what is the use, asked Chesterfield, of these commis- 
sioners with tlieir grand name of plenipotentiaries, their 
salaries, and their long-winded negotiations 'f If Spani-li 
search is to be endured, trade is absolutely ruined. 
There will not be an English ship in which Spain will 
not declare that contraband goods are carried. They 
will find logwood and cocoa, and declare these are con- 
traband : yet logwood and cocoa grow in Jamaica. 
They will find gold pieces of eight, and declare they 
are contraband. Yet are not pieces of eight the current 
coin of our own colonies ? Carteret spoke severely of 
the tame -ubmis-ion- of the ministry, which had almo-t 
invited Spanish insult-, and declared that the settlement 
of tlie cardinal point : Xo search on the high seas : 
ought to have been the preUminary to negotiations of 
any kind wliatever. ■ Are plenipotentiaries to determine 
whether we siiall go to our own colonies safe and re- 
turn -afe ? Tlie Cardinal [Fleury] would not suffer a 


minister to come into the tenth ante-cliamber, that 
should talk of searching French ships. Ask all the 
young i:iobility that have travelled : have they not 
observed that the honour of the English nation hath 
suffered abroad? The Court of Spain think you dare 
not attack them. ShoAv them that you dare, and all is 
over.' ^ 

Though the numerical victory -was with the Govern- 
ment, tlie force of argument -was clearly with the 
opposition. Newcastle and Hervey made a very poor 
show against Carteret, Chesterfield, and Argyle. But 
worse parliamentary treatment than this was in store 
for Walpole, and out of doors the public feeling against 
him began to run very high. The nation, disgusted at 
the omission of the main point in dispute, was filled 
witli passion by one of the conditions of the Convention, 
which agreed that a large sum of money should be 
paid to Spain for the ships which had been destroyed 
more than twenty years before by Admiral Byng. 
People asked, with scornful anger, if England was also 
to pay damages for the destruction of the Spanish 
Armada. ' The city is in a flame, and almost nobody 
])leased,' wrote the Earl of Marchmont. ' The j^i'ints 
show Sir Eobert's guard in a ridiculous enough liglit. 
He is certainly distressed, and with g0(_xl reason.' '■* The 
Earl of Stair wrote : ' The "whole nation is on our side, 
and only Sir Eobert and his gang on the other. ... I 
hope the time is not far off when his majesty Avill see 
clearly that he had no other enemy in this nation so 
much to be feared as Sir Eobert and his gang.'^ A 
vivid little piece of evidence from the Magazine in 

' Seeker's Manuscript ; in Parliameidary History, vol. X. Seeker's 
^[S. is the best authority — as far as it goes — for the debates in the Lords. 
" Marchmout Papers, II. 111. March 10, 1730. 
5 .1. M. Graham's 5taV, II. 247,248. 

r 2 


which Samuel J<jhnson had just begun to toil and 
drudge for a livelihood, serves to illustrate the uni- 
versal interest roused by the one question of the day. 
On one of the February evenings of 1739 London en- 
tertained itself with a grand civic masquerade : ' Where, 
among many humourous and whimsical characters, 
what seemed most to engage the attention of the com- 
pany was a Spaniard, very richly dressed, who called 
himself Knighl of the Ear ; as a bad;fe of which Order 
he wore on his breast the form of a Star, Avhose points 
seemed tinged with blood ; on which was painted an 
Ear, and round it, written in capital letters, the word 
jEXRixs ; and across his shoulders hung, instead of a 
ribband, a large halter, which he held up to several 
persons disguised hke Enghsh sailors, who seemed to 
pay him great reverence ; and, falling on their knees 
before him, with many tokens of fear and submission, 
suffered him very tamely to rummage their pockets ; 
which when he had done, he very insolently dismissed 
them with strokes of his halter. Several of the sailors 
had a bloody ear hanging down from their heads, and 
on their hats these words : Ear for Ear ; while on the 
hats of others was written: No Search, or No Trade ; 
with the like sentences.'-' 

The excitement in the nation was reflected in par- 
liament. A week after its meeting, the Duke of New- 
castle formally presented to the Lords a copy of the 
Convention A Spanisli debate of necessity arose, and 
Carteret took an exceedhigly aftive part in it. Even 
Government speakers were forced to admit the weight 
which attached to hi- views. On this particular 
occa-ion he wori'ied tlie poor Dukf of Newcastle in a 
mo'-t effectual way. The Duke presented the Conveu- 

1 G(-aH(-m(ri\!j Mnr/nziitt for 17.;'.J; p. 103. 


tion Avith its separate articles and ratifications. Js tliere 
not another paper ? asked Carteret ; some protest or 
declaration handed in by Spain, the acceptance of which 
by England is to be the condition of Spain's observance 
of the Convention? How very glad, said Carteret, the 
Dnke wonld be to answer such a question, and by his 
answer show that while the Government had consulted 
for the peace of the nation, it had also remembered its 
interest and honour. But ministeriahsts sug-o-ested that 


such a request was out of order, and that an informal 
question of that kind could not be answered. Where- 
upon Carteret again blandly rose : ' My lords, when I 
tlirew out my distant surmises with great simplicitj- 
of heart, I did not wish to do anything formal, or lay 
the Duke under any restraint ; but thought he would 
cheerfully take the hint, and be glad to do so.' Thus 
Newcastle was almost forced to rise, and, sadly protest- 
ing against the compulsion, he declared that the papers 
presented were the only ones whicli English ofBcials in 
Spain had signed. Here was no answer to Carteret at 
all. Yes, these are all which Eii(jli'<h ministers have 
signed ; but is there not something more which Spain 
alone signed and handed in? Let us have them all, and 
see what ])rivate concessions have been made. Other- 
wise Carteret in his plain way remarked that he would 
regard the Convention and its stipulations as 'mere 
crinrace.' The afflicted Duke rose again; thought he 
liad answered Carteret ; and in liis helpless, blundering 
fashion declared that if the English officials had signed 
no other paper about the Convention, no other paper on 
the subject could exist! Carteret quite meekly expressed 
his regret that he had not made himself intelligible, and 
repeated his question ; to Avhich, now, Xe-wcastle rising 
once more, had to answei', 'Yes, there is another docu- 


ment.' ' I think it very proper,' said Carteret, who had 
a strong sense of humour, ' to return my acknowledg- 
ments to the noble Duke for condescending so. readily to 
answer the doubt I had proposed.' 

Thus Carteret had extorted from the Government the 
admission that even the Convention, which parhament 
and the country found so objectionable, was not all. 
Beliind it, and as the sole condition on which Spain had 
accepted it, stood a demand on the South Sea Company 
for immediate payment of a large sum declared to be 
due to Spain as tax-money on negro slaves ; and if this 
Avere not immediately paid, the King of Spain would sus- 
pend the Company's Assiento treaty. Here was the 
Convention, with which Government expressed so much 
curious satisfaction, actually dependent on the result 
of a private negotiation between the King of Spain and 
the South Sea Trading Company. AVe are to force the 
Company to agree to Spain's demands, or all our nego- 
tiating is to be a mere farce, burst out the Duke of 
Arg3'le. A fresh point was evidently made for the op- 
position, and the storm steadily gathered force. Petitions 
against so unsatisfactory a Convention began to pour 
in ; the London magistrates petitioned ; the Liverpool 
merchants petitioned ; the West India merchants of 
London tumultuously thronged about the Houses. The 
opposition took up the cause of the merchants, and ran 
the Government very close. Yet so far all the parlia- 
mentarj' proceedings had been httle more than prelimi- 
nary skirmishings ; the real pitched battle began in the 
House of Lords on March 1, when the Convention itself 
was formally taken into consideration. 

Carteret led the op]Wsition, and gathered into one 
impressive -\\diole and strikingly drove home an elaborate 
indictment aoainst the conduct of the Government. He 


exposed with ease the utter worthlessness of a Conven- 
tion which obtained neither reparation for the past nor 
security for the future ; severely blamed the Government 
for leaving plenipotentiaries to argue vital points that 
admitted no argument ; and emphatically declared the 
proposed agreement destructive and dishonourable to 
ihe nation; 'a mortgage of your honour, a surrender of 
your liberties.' ' I do not often,' he said, ' speak in the 
learned languages; but I am afraid, my lords, the pro- 
phetic phrase which I once heard a most learned lord 
pronounce, venit summa dies, will now be verified.' 
Still, remembering the strong resolutions which the 
Lords had passed last year — and it was one of Carteret's 
severest reproaches to the Government that they had 
done absolutely nothing to give those resolutions any 
effect — he hoped that he might have a happiness to 
Avhich he had lately been unaccustomed, and find him- 
self and his views in the majority. Carteret spoke very 
powerfully, but altogether on the merits of the question, 
Avith an entire avoidance of captious or personal attack. 
With the Duke of Argyle it was otherwise. ' It is said 
in general that the whole debate was an extreme fine 
one, conducted with great dignity and decency as a 
national concern, and not personal or ministerial. The 
Duke of Argyle, who spoke for two hours, was the 
only one who, as I hear, took much freedom with the 
ministry.' ^ Argyle was indeed very vehement. ' Let who 
will approve of such ameasure,! neverwill; Iwilldiefirst.' 
He was very scornful as -well as vehement ; and plainly 
intimated that it was not the ministry but the Mini'iter 
who was responsible for the unsatisfactory state of affairs. 
Clhesterfield also was eloquent against this inglorious 
Convention, this warlike peace, this perpetual patcli- 

' Orlebar to Etough, March 3, 17:30. Coxe's Walpole, III. 515, 510. 


work of a statesman who dealt only with and through 
the rotten hearts of sycophants and time-servers. The 
very tapestry on the walls, the record of former historic 
glories, was appealed to ; and fervid oratory gloomily 
hoped tliat patriotic looms would strike work for the 

Tlie wit and eloquence, as well as the real weight of 
argument, were conspicuously on the opposition side ; 
yet still the Government majority, though by much 
smaller numbers than usual,^ carried the day. There 
was undeniable force in many of the reasons and excuses 
put forward by the Government — the already heavy 
debt; the danger from the Pretender; the certainty 
that France would join Spain. These were real argu- 
ments of their kind, and on them the Government rested 
its case ; but the broad question, whether the present 
was not one of those occasions on which all minor 
hazards must be lightly regarded in the presence of one 
overwhelming danger, was never faced by Walpole. A 
hand-to-mouth polic)', if onlj a parliamentary majority 
could be got to sanction it, was all that the Prime Min- 
ister had to propose. Yet even from the personal point 
of view, if from no higher, Walpole might have begun 
to doubt whether his action had been altogether wise. 
The victory which he had just gained in the Lords was 
not of a very triumphant character ; the success which 
he was about to gain in the Commons was little less 
tlian Pyrrhic. The Commons took up the Convention a 
week later than the Lords. On the first day of their 
real proceedings, after two da5's spent in formal reading 
of papers, more than a liundred members took their 
seats before seven o'clock in the morning, and nearlj- 
five hundred were present at prayers before ten. The 

' 95 to 74. Tlie Priiici' of Wales voted with the opposition. 


Prince of Wales sat in the gallery all day long till mid- 
night, and had his dinner sent to him there, rather than 
lose anything of the debate. Horatio AYalpole was the 
first speaker. Slovenly Horatio did his tedious best to 
remove -what he considered prejudices against the Con- 
vention. His general maxims on peace and war were 
doubtless admirable as sonorous platitudes ; the circum- 
stances of Europe might, as he arii'ued, be deplorable 
enough ; only these were not the questions at issue. 
' A piece of waste paper ; that is your Convention,' re- 
torted the opposition. Pitt thundered against it. Are 
plenipotentiaries, he asked, to discuss our ' undoubted 
right by treaties, and from God, and from nature?' 'Is 
this any longer a nation, or what is an English parlia- 
ment, if, with more ships in your harbours than in 
all the navies of Europe, with above two millions of 
people in your American Colonics, you will bear to hear 
of the expediency of receiving from Spain an insecure, 
unsatisfactory, dishonourable Convention ? . . . This 
Convention, Sir, I think from my soul is nothing but a 
stipulation for national icrnominj-; an illust)ry expedient 
to baffle the resentment of the nation. . . . The com- 
plaints of your despairing merchants, tlie voice of 
England has condemned it ; be the guilt of it upon the 
head of the adviser ; God forbid that tliis Committee 
should share the guilt by ajjproving it ! ' 

In spite of Pitt's invective, the Committee did share 
the guilt ; though Walpole's majority, in a House wliich 
had once been fidl of his creatures, had so far dwindled 
that in a vote of nearly five hundred members he was 
saved by only twenty-eight. The opposition, disappoint- 
ed, and declaring that the arguments were all on one 
side and the votes on the other, took the foolishly 
unpractical step of seceding from the House. Carteret 


in vain expressed his disapproval ; he could not per- 
suade even Pulteney to oppose such feeble folly. Sir 
William AVyndham, in a sUghtly tragic manner, bade a 
final adieu to that parliament, very considerably to tlie 
cynical satisfaction of Walpole ; and the ministerialists 
were left mainly to themselves. Yet even to the 
dullest of their party it could hardly now be doubtful 
that war was surely coming. It was now the second 
week in May ; the Convention which so small a parlia- 
mentary majority had approved named May 24 as the 
last day on which England would accept the payment 
of the small sum Avith which Spain had reluctantly 
agreed to compensate the English merchants. Xo one, 
not even the Government, any longer professed to 
beUeve that Spain would pay the money. Sheer neces- 
sity infused a little energy into the proceedings of the 
administration. To anticipate the probable action of 
France, a suljsidy Avas offered to Denmark, and 6,000 
Danish troops were thus gained over to the English 
side. Parliament voted unusual supphes and an in- 
crease of the forces. Carteret earnestly advised an 
alliance AAith Frederick WilHam of Prussia, the mo-t 
powerful Protestant ruler on the Continent. ' If you 
have no hope of Prussia, you will not have a word to 
say in Germany ; and he may be gained upon riglit and 
f/ood grounds.'^ Carteret's constant and statesmanlike 
interest in Prussia and Germany generally has been 
signally justified in more modern times ; but it is need- 
less to say that his present prudent advice wa- dis- 

Thus the days passed on. May 24 among them; 
and the Government, asked if Spain had paid the money, 
could only aii-wei', Xo. Once more the Lord.'^ had a 

■ Seclt-r MS. itt sujira. 


Spanish debate, the last tliat was to be necessaiy. Car- 
teret, of course, took the lead. He treated the Conven- 
tion as a thing Avhich practically no longer existed, and 
ridiculed the paltry ministerial action which was leaving 
and allowing tlie merchant ships themselves to make 
reprisals on Spanish vessels for the losses "which they 
suffered. It was a case, said Carteret, in which the 
royal navy of Great Britain ought to act. Yet the 
Government still continued its policy of dilatory indefi- 
niteness, and managed to close tlie session in June 
without any direct parliamentary condemnation of its 
conduct. But there was no longer any practical doubt 
that Spain and England must fight. The King was 
desirous for war ; AValpole's own colleagues were by 
no means unanimous in approval of his peace polic}' ; 
the feeling of the nation was dead against it. At last, 
during the summer recess, vigorous preparations began 
in earnest. The English ambassador at Madrid was 
instructed to require a definite renunciation of the 
h^panish claim of Eight of Search, and to leave the 
country at once if the reply were not satisfactory. Here 
at length was definite action ; and immediately there 
was evidence of the spirit of fairness and patriotism 
which always marked Carteret's conduct in opposition. 
In August 1739 Carteret wrote to the Earl of ]\Iarch- 
mont, who, as Lord Polwarth and ambassador at 
Copenhagen, had been his old friend and fellow-worker 
i]i the tangled business of restoring peace to the North 
of Europe : — 

'The ministers are at present, in all appearance, 
l)ursuing the sense of the nation, and acting towards tiie 
S])aniards as they should have acted long ago. The 
nation desires no war, but yet will not be contented 
with such a peace as of late we have had ; and if, in 


vindication of our honour, and in pursuing tlie necessary 
measures to obtain a good peace, war should break out, 
which is most hkely, we must repel force by force, from 
whatsoever quarter it comes, as well as we can ; and the 
showing internal discontents, howsoever founded, at 
this time, may precipitate our ruin, but can never have 
any tendency to save us. These are my notions ; which 
I do not give you as a volunteer ; that would be pre- 
sumption ; but I lay them before you, and those friends 
you may converse with, because you honour me by ask- 
ing my opinion. We are all sorry that we cannot make 
things better ; for God's sake, do not let us make them 
worse ; and if the nation is to be undone (which, by 
the way, I do not believe it will), let us act so as never 
to have reason to reproach ourselves of having done 
amiss, though out of zeal and good intentions, in this 
critical conjuncture.'-^ 

England's final demands at Madrid obtained no 
satisfaction, and the decisive step was at last taken. 
A royal manifesto was issued at Kensington, and in 
London war between England and Spain was publicly 
declared by heralds on Xovember 3, 1739. Parha- 
ment met long before its usual time, and the eager 
activity of the Lords and Commons reflected the enthu- 
siasm of the people. Carteret, after the CTOvernment in 
the Lords had done its necessary oflicial speaking, rose 
to express the views of the opposition. Practical 
common- sense was as usual at the basis of his policy. 
Xow you have actually entered upon war, he urged, 
let your one consideration be the vigorous conduct of 
the war. Go to the best officers ; select your generals 
and admirals ; and, having done so. leave their actions 
a- far as possible to themselves, and let ministers and 

» Marchmrmt I'.i,,rTS, II. ISO, 130. 


negotiators stand aside. Do not allow the management 
of the war to be as perplexed and timorous as the con- 
duct of the negotiations. Let the war really be war. 
It is evident that among the opposition there was great 
fear of a policy of half-measures. Chesterfield bluntly 
expressed this when he said that it would not be a good 
omen if those who had been against the war should 
be consulted in the conduct of it. This feeling was, 
however, expressed much more plainly in the House 
of Commons. There Sir William Wyndham desired to 
obtain an agreement that the war should not be ended 
till Spain acknowledged the right of British ships to 
navigate the American seas In his plain way, Walpole 
declared that he knew Wyndham's speech was levelled 
at him, and designed to make him unpopular. ' The 
honourable gentleman and his friends have a mind to 
take a httle diversion, and have singled me out as the 
deer for the sport of the day. But they may find. Sir, 
that I am not so easily hunted down as they imagine. 
I have lived long enough in the world to know that 
the safety of a minister lies in his having the ajDproba- 
tion of this House. Former ministers neglected this, 
and therefore they fell. I have always made it my first 
study to obtain it, and therefore I hope to stand.' 
Designed to make him unpopular ? sneered Pulteney. ' I 
am sorry to say he has very little popularity to lose.' 
Pulteney was very severe on Walpole, constantly lashino- 
the ' right honourable gentleman near me ' ; for leaders 
of Government and of Opposition sat next one another 
on the same bench. Past disasters and inaction were 
not forgotten, and mysterious hints of impeachment 
Avere dropped. Walpole might well compare himself 
to a baited animal ; the political chase had never been 
so severe. 


The war, however, in spite of all these attacks on 
AValpole and his management, seemed to be beginning 
successfully. Already, in July, Admiral Vernon had 
sailed for the West Indies ; and when this parliamentary 
tumult was at its highest had just arrived at Porto 
Bello. Two days later, on December 3, it surrendered 
to his attack. An express arrived in London from 
victorious Yernon with the news in March 1740. Tlie 
rejoicings were almost inconceivable. Parliament sent 
congratulatory addresses to the King : Walpole and 
Xewcastle gave grand entertainments in honour of the 
event ; the London Corporation voted the inevitable 
freedom in the inevitable gold box. Yet even this 
success Avas used as a blow against the Government. If 
Yernon, Avith only six ships, and no land-force but some 
two hundred and forty men lent him from Jamaica, had 
been able to do tliis, what might he not have done but 
for a jealous, niggardly G-overnment, which stinted him 
of sliips and deprived him of soldiers ? But not the mo^t 
captious member of opposition could complain of inac- 
tivity now. All through the summer months the ports 
and dockyards were busy ; great preparations were on 
hand to assist Yernon in attacking Cartagena, a more im- 
portant Spanisli town in the Xew Y'orld than Porto BeUo 
itself In September, Anson sailed with his three shi]*-, 
to make his memorable voyage round Cape Horn ; and 
in Xovember a large sea and land force left England 
for Yernon and the AYest Indies ; on board one of the 
ships of the line being a young surgeon's inatc, not yet 
twenty years old, named Toljias Smollett. 

But during aU these preparations, two very imp)ort- 
ant events took place on the Continent, which we«e 
destined to change the whole complexion of the quarrel. 
On the last day of May 1740 died Frederick AYilHam, 


second King of Prussia, and Europe knew nothing of 
the cliaraeter of his successor ; and on October 20 
died the Emperor diaries VI., and the Pragmatic 
Sanction, wliich it had been the main business of his 
hfe to secure, went to utter ruin, and dragged ahuost 
every country of Europe to quarrel and war. 

In such threatening European circumstances, the 
English parliament met again in November 1740. The 
Lords in opposition were especially energetic from the 
very beginning of the session. Before the reading of 
the King's speech was well finished, before the King him- 
self had left the House, the Duke of Argyle was up, 
and, anticipating the formal harangue of the official 
ministerialist performer, plunged into an arraignment 
of the Government. Chesterfield, not too well pleased 
with Carteret's ascendency among the opposition leaders, 
had recommended this action of Argyle's ; thinking 
that Carteret, who always represented the more moder- 
ate, responsible opposition, would either, Ijy declining 
to follow Argyle, lose for himself the support of the 
more advanced party, or, by following Argjde, would 
seem to be surrendering the foremost place. Chester- 
field's somewhat malicious speculations proved fanciful 
merely. Carteret did support Argyle ; but he also 
emphatically kept the lead. Argyle, himself a soldier, 
confined himself chiefly to the military point of view, 
and found it an easy task to denounce the conduct of 
the war from the beginning to the end. One success, 
not a very overpowering one for all the rejoicings it had 
caused, there had been ; but no one could fairly give 
the Government any credit for what Admiral Vernon 
had done. Argyle beat upon the Government effectively 
enough on this military side. Carteret also was severe 
on this matter, but he mainly looked at the subject in 


its strict political light. His attack upon the adminis- 
tration, and especially upon Walpole, was very strong. 
• X minister who has for almost twenty years been de- 
monstrating to the world that he has neither "wisdom 
nor conduct. He may liave a little low cunning, such 
as those have that buy cattle in Smithfield market, or 
such as a French valet makes use of for managing an 
indulgent master ; but the whole tenour of his con- 
duct lias shown that he has no true wisdom. This 
our allies know and bemoan ; this our enemies know 
and rejoice in.' 

The attack thus begun was week after week energetic- 
ally followed up. The state of the army, the instruc- 
tions to Vernon in the Caribbean Sea, to Haddock in the 
^Mediterranean, offered countless opportunities for hvely 
debate. Such gueriUa skirmishing was of the liveliest, 
but could not be decisive or thoroughly satisfactory to 
either side. The opposition therefore resolved to put 
out all their strength in one grand effort, and to go to 
the root of all their complainings — patriotic, some of 
them, factious undoubtedly, others — by definitely de- 
manding the resignation of Walpole. On the same day, 
February 13, 17-41, this formal attack was made in both 
Houses of Parliament. The House of Lords was crowded 
wjien Carteret rose to dehver his indictment against the 
Prime Minister in a long, elaborate speech, worthy of 
his unrivalled poHtical knowledge. The whole field of 
foreign and dome-tic politic- for a period of nearly 
twenty years lay open before him, from the bickeriniis 
Ijetween the Emperor Charles and Ehzabeth Farnese, 
do"\vn to the Spanish Convention and the unsatisfactory 
management of tlie war. The endless treatying and 
counter-treatying. the imbecile Congresses, the shifting 
alhaucc-, the want of anything like a clear and con- 

opposition: to WALPOLE—FOBEIGN AFFAIBS 225 

sistent line of action on the part of the Government, 
offered material "which a less able man than Carteret 
might have turned to good account. The main note 
of his speech was the one point which is the simple 
and always consistent explanation of Carteret's chief 
views on European politics. All through Carteret's 
hfetime the French had been attempting to aggrandise 
themselves in Europe at the expense of Germany. 
Sometimes they had succeeded, as when Fleury had 
managed to get hold of Lorraine ; sometimes they failed, 
as was once to be ver}' conspicuously the case while 
Carteret himself was at the head of affairs in England. 
But always and in all circumstances Carteret's policy was 
decided and the same : the Fi'ench must be kept out of 
Germany. That Walpole's line of action had not clearly 
kept this policy in view, but that a shilly-shally proce- 
dure had made France and Austria our friends and ene- 
mies alternately, was Carteret's chief point of reproacli. 
As usual, Carteret did not t]-eat the question from 
the personal point of view. ' I am not for appearing in 
anything peevish or personal,' he expressly said ; and, 
when himself in power, he proved the truth of his asser- 
tion by taking the lead in opposing unfair treatment of 
the fallen minister. But he did not shrink from the 
pohtical application of his indictment. ' If one physician 
cannot cure a fever, take another.' ' If people fall 
asleep on their post, it is mild to say, Pray remove them.' 
Carteret distinctly declared that if Walpole could be 
considered competent to extricate the nation from the 
confusion that existed at home and abroad, he would 
be willing to let him do it. That could not be, and the 
inevitable conclusion followed : that the King be advised 
to renio\'e Sir Eolicrt AValpole from his presence and 
counsels for ever. 



For eleven hours the Lords debated this exciting 
question, and were very lavish of eager rhetoric. 
Walpole was very severely handled. 'Except those 
who depend on him, there are not fifty subjects in 
the kingdom but most ardently wish to have him re- 
moved,' said one peer. ' A saucy master,' who '• hath 
treated with his usual buffoonery what the nation hath 
set its heart on,' said another. Argyle was very 
bitter, and pressed David into the ranks of opposition. 
' Take away the wicked from before the King.' con- 
cluded the too sanguine Duke, ' and his throne shall be 
estabhshed in righteousness.' But soon after midnight 
the Lords decided that this desirable establishment 
might very well wait. Carteret had been very elo- 
quent ; but the time was not yet come. ' Aly Lord 
Carteret did speak two hours as well as any man in 
the world could speak, but all in vain,' wrote the 
Duchess of ]\Iarlborough, now very old, but full of 
patriotism. ' One of the finest discourses I ever saw 
in any language,' the Earl of Stair said of Carteret's 
speech, though its eloquence had been unavailing. Xo 
one, certainly not Carteret himself, expected a numerical 
parliamentary victory for the opposition. Some lively 
writers even asserted that Carteret had taken up the 
question unwillingly and was fuU of vexation and 
chagrin at the part he played in it. One of young 
Horace Vi'alpule's correspondents ventured to become 
particular over thi- view. ' Two minutes after he had 
made the motion he rubbed his periwig off, and has 
not cea-ed biting his nails and scratching his head ever 
since.' ^ Lively writuig of tliis kind is -o very amusing, 
and it is so agreeable to believe what one would hke to 
believe. If Carteret did rub his periwig off, one has an 

' II. .S. Conway to Horace Walpole ; Feb. 16, 1741. 


exact, though a minutely insignificant, biograpliical fact. 
As far as other matters are concerned, tlie lively writer 
may be disregarded. 

"Walpole had thus been successful in the one House, 
and he might reckon himself fortunate also in the other. 
In the Commons, many members had taken their seats 
by six o'clock in the morning ; and the debate, which 
began before noon, lasted till between three and four 
o'clock in the following day. Yet the result was a 
foregone conclusion. It was still Walpole's OAvn parlia- 
ment, and he ran no real risk. He himself treated the 
affair in a very confident style, and, in his outspoken 
Avay, dechned to listen to any arguments which pro- 
fessed to be based upon patriotism. The whole thing, 
he declared, was a mere attempt to get into office, and 
the less said of patriotism the better, ' A patriot. Sir ! 
why, patriots spring up like mushrooms ! I could raise 
fifty of them within the four and twenty hours. I have 
raised many of them in one night. It is but refusing to 
gratify an unreasonable or an insolent demand, and up 
starts a patriot.' The eloquence of Pulteney and other 
opposition leaders was, from the division-list point of 
view, wasted ; many members declined to vote at all ; 
and even so important a member of opposition as Ches- 
terfield conceived — though the result showed that he 
was wrong — that AValpole had actually been strength- 
ened by his seeming success, and that the opposition 
had been broken to pieces. Walpole's levee next 
morning was indeed the largest he had ever been 
known to hold, and he himself seems to have been 
partly thrown off his guard ; but essentially his triumph 
was superficial only-^ 

' This once famous debate was the occasion of a \e\-\ celebrated political 
caricature called The Mnthn, The scene is Whitehall and the Treasury 

(J 2 


Walpole was safe for the time being ; but already 
events were in progress Avhich would add strength to 
the general outcry against him. The European crash 
which had been expected to follow the Emperor Charles's 
death had come without delay. Maria Theresa had 
instantly been proclaimed successor to her father's 
Austrian dominions ; but in less than two months after 
the Emperor's death, Frederick of Prussia had invaded 
Silesia. He declared his willingness to uphold the 

Buildings, towards which a coach is Vjeing driTen at full speed. Arp-yle is 

coachman : — 

' Who be dat de box do sit on ? 
'Tis John, the hero of Xorth Briton, 
Who, out of place, does placemen spit on.' 

Chesterfield is postilion ; Bubb Dodinp'ton is a cur between his le^zs. The 
passeDfrer is Carteret : — 

' But piay who in de coache sit-a ? 
Tls hunest Johnny Carteritta, 
Who want in place again to get-a.' 

The furious pace Is threatening to overturn the coach, and Carteret is 
crying : ' Let me get out ! ' Lean Lord Lyttelton is riding behind on a 
lean hacli : — 

' Who's dat who ride astride de poney , 
So long, so lank, so lean and boney :-■ 
Oh ! he be the great orator, Little- Tciuer ! 

Smallbrook, Bishop of Lichfield, bows humbly as they pass : 

' What parson's he dat bow so civU r 
Oh ! dat's de bishop who split de devil, 
And made a devU and a half, and half a devil ! ' 

In the foreground, on foot, is Pulteney, leading figures by strings from 
their noses, and wheeling a barrow full of opposition writino-i, the Crafts- 
man, Covimon Sense, etc. He is exclaiming : ' Zounds, they are over ! ' 

' Close by stands BiUy, of all Bob's foes 
The wittiest far in ver^e and prose ; 
How he leads de puppies by de nose I ' 

< Tell me, dear,' writes Horace Walpole from Italy to his friend Conwar, 
' now, who made the desijpx, and who took the likenesses ; they are admir- 
able ; the lines are as good as one sees on such occasions.' The Cartoon is 
reproduced in T. Wright's Curkntv-ri- Hiaforij of the C;r-ori)r:s, p. 128. Many 
editions of it were published, slightly varying in details. 


Pragmatic Sanction, and in tlie contest for tlie Empire 
to vote for Maria's husband, the Grand Duke Francis ; 
but the condition he required was the cession of Silesia, 
and Maria would not hear of such a thing. Frederick 
therefore advanced, first through deluges of rain, then 
in hard frost ; and, finding practically no opposition, 
was easily making himself master of Silesia. The ex- 
citement caused by this in England was very great. 
The people, who knew nothing of German histor}', 
passionately took up Maria's cause. In their eyes, she 
was an interesting and much injured young Princess ; 
and Frederick was a perfidious robber. George also, 
though for ditTerent reasons, was eager on the same 
side. He had given his word to Charles, and had 
signed his Pragmatic Sanction ; and George, like his 
father, Avas always a man of strict Iionestj- to his pro- 
mise. Above all, he had his own Hanover to think of; 
the slightest disturbance in Gernmny always threw him 
into a tremor of anxiety. English statesmen, too, and 
politicians were generally for Maria, though many of 
tliem would have been puzzled to say exactly why. 
]3ut Carteret knew his reasons very well. It was not 
in opposition to Frederick that Carteret supported the 
cause of Austria. He was always anxious to induce 
]\laria to come to terms with Frederick, and in little 
more than a year after this date it was one of the 
triumplis of his own ministr}' that he successfully ac- 
complished this. But France was sure to interfere in 
this internal German question. It was known that 
France was about to break the Pragmatic Sanction ; 
known, too, that she would not have Maria's husband 
as Emperor. Support of Maria Theresa was therefore 
opposition to the designs of France in Germany ; and 
Carteret's views could not for a moment be doubtful. 


On April 19, 1741, the King asked parliament 
to assist him in supporting Maria Theresa, and next day 
the question was debated. Argyle was cold. Why was 
England to stand alone in support of the Pragmatic 
Sanction ? Chesterfield opposed, with oblique hints at 
the King's partiality for his German dominions. But 
Carteret approved. ' If this be not done,' he said, 'the 
Queen of Hungary will throw herself into the arms of 

France This is a case of nobody's seeking ; it 

arises from the Emperor's death. The King should 
hazard all upon it, and we should stand by him. . . . 
I do not look for popularity ; but am now on the 
popular side of the question. ... If the Austrian 
dominions are parcelled, France gets enough without 
getting an acre of land. AVe say to France, if you 
will keep your treaty, you cannot complain of us ; 
if you will not, we are safer with open doings.' ^ 
' The Austrian thunder of my Lord Carteret,' Pitt 
some months later in a letter to Chesterfield called 
this speech.^ Xeither Pitt nor Carteret knew at the 
time that the thunder of artillery had already been 
speaking in a far more emphatic manner than the 
thunder of eloquence ever coidd. Ten davs before this 
debate there had been fouglit the first pitched battle in 
that long war which, with ^■arious rests and breathing- 
places, really lasted from 1740 to 17G2. In drifting, 
snowy weather, and confused circumstances on both 
sides, the Austrians and Prussians had fallen upon each 
other ; and Frederick's victory had made the battle of 
Mollwitz the signal for a general European war. But 
news from the Continent still travelled slowlv, and it 
was not until April 25 that London heard of the first 

' Secki t's Parliamentary MS. ut supra. 

^ C'yn-c'jiondetir-e of the Earl of Chatham, I. 1. 


real stroke in the great struggle ; on which very day, 
curiously enough, Parliament voted to Maria Theresa 
a subsidy of three hundred thousand pounds. 

But to subsidise the Queen of Hungary was by no 
means enough for George, Parliament had readilj'' 
promised him the support he desired, and he hoped, 
though he was terribly disappointed, to strike decisively 
into the quarrel at once. He hurried over in May 
1741 to Hanover, attended by Secretary Harrington, 
and was as eager as he always was to get to war. He 
had a respectable army ; 6,000 Danes, 6,000 Hessians, 
Avere ready for him on subsidy, and his own Hanoverian 
forces made the total more than 30,000 men. Yet to 
his disgust George found he could do nothing. As a 
first difficulty, it proved impossible to move the Dutch. 
It took more than two years to persuade these exceed- 
ingly heavy allies to stir. But even more perplexing 
than this was the case of Hanover. In April 1741 
Prederick had established a camp of 36,000 men at 
Gottin, near Magdeburg, ready at once to fall upon 
Hanover if quarrel should arise between George and 
himself So the King of England could not fight be- 
cause he happened to be also Elector of Hanover. He 
was effectively checkmated; and it was clear that so 
long as Frederick remained Maria's active enemy, George 
would simply be unable to act at all. It became there- 
fore his most pressing necessity to remove Frederick 
from the scene of action. Diplomacy was set to work. 
The English ambassador at Vienna, Sir Thomas Eobinson, 
a heavy, dull man, still vaguely remembered for the 
terrible parliamentary worryings which later on he 
suffered from Pitt and Pox, urged and even implored 
Maria to come to terms with her successful enemy. 
Ilyndford, the ambassador at Berlin, sought Frederick 


himself in his camp near MoUwitz, and offered English 
mediation to restore Germanic peace. But the two 
ambassadors had two very determined young sovereigns 
to deal with, and the efforts of diplomacy seemed hope- 
lessly vain. Maria would not be moved ; and Frederick, 
far from listening to the arguments of Hyndford, made 
in June a treaty Avith the French. The hand of France 
interfering in Germany was first visible when, after this 
treaty, the Elector of Bavaria appeared as a candidate 
for the Empire. This was a second blow to ]\Iaria ; and 
in such circumstances Eobinson did succeed in per- 
suading her to some faint compliance. In August he 
hastened to Frederick, who was now at Strehlen, and 
once more put before liiim the small concessions which 
Maria was willing to make. It was quite useless. 
Frederick, now sure of France, would have his Silesian 
demands completely satisfied, and would not accept 
anything less. He continued his own conquests in 
Silesia ; and at the same time two French armies, 
e;irh of 40,000 men, entered Germany ; the one orossin'j- 
the Uj)per Pthine, to join tlie Elector of Bavaria and 
march towards Vienna ; the other over the Lower 
Pthine, to make for Hanover. 

AVhat could George do, either for himself or for 
Maria? Clearly nothing but negotiate himself out of 
liis difficulties, and continue to urge Maria to do the 
same. Very contrary to his own wishes, but seeing 
there was no help for it, he agreed in September to 
the neutrality of Hanover ; and though for a time his 
importunate attempts to mediate between Austria and 
Prussia were an utter failure, in that same month 
success appeared to be at la>t approaching. Maria 
had peisonally appealed to Hungary, and had roused 
passionate loyalty there. At the same time Frederii;k. 


though the French were his allies, was really jealous of 
their presence in Germany. England seized these two 
openings as an opportunity for one more diplomatic 
efibrt. By working on Frederick s jealousy of France, 
and by pressing upon Maria her need of a short time 
of respite, the two English ambassadors successfully 
brought the rivals to an agreement. Thus early in 
October was made the secret treaty of Kleinschnellen- 
dorf, Maria agreeing to cede to Frederick those parts 
of Silesia which he already held, and Frederick accept- 
ing peace, though mock hostilities were for a short time 
to be continued, to blind and satisfy the French. 

Wliile these negotiations Avere employing George 
and Harrington at Hanover, a general election had 
taken place in England. The feeling against Walpole 
in the country was b}' this time very strong. "Walpole 
had been for twenty years uninterruptedly in power ; 
every mistake, every failure that had marked the years 
from 1721 to 1741, was, justl}- or unjustly, assigned to 
him. In ecclesiastical affairs he had offended both 
Churchmen and Dissenters. In parliamentar}' manage- 
ment, his cynical frankness in corruption had often been 
a little too much for a not very puritanical period. 
His contemptuous neglect of literature had enrolled all 
the wits and men of letters against him at a time wlien 
political pamphlets and news-letters and satires were 
read all ovei' the kingdom. tSo early as 1727 Swift 
wrote of Walpole that ' he lias none but beasts and 
blockheads for his penmen.' ^ But his one unpardon- 
aljle offence was his conduct in the Spanish war. He 
had not declared war till resignation of his own power 
was his only alternative ; and when, after Vernon's one 
success at Porto Bello, the military managen:ent sank 

' Swift to Ur. Sheridan; May 13, ]r27. Swift's Jl'orks, XVII. 107. 


into a dreary round of inaction, failure, and confused 
ineffectiveness — the natural result of official incapacity 
and of the usual chaotic mismanagement of the English 
fighting departments — the angry irritation of the people 
instinctively blamed the minister who was known to 
have no real heart in the business which he nominally 
directed. The fleet in the Mediterranean did abso- 
lutely nothing. Vernon's expedition against Cartagena, 
from which so much had been expected, had gone to 
utter ruin and almost disgrace. And the country, 
which had so eagerly adopted the cause of Maria 
Theresa, felt itself further humihated by the Hanover 
neutrality and by the rather unheroic way in which 
George's first continental attempt had terminated. 
From a general election held in such circumstances, 
Walpole could not expect any very great success, and he 
seems at this time, very contrary to his usual habit, to 
have been full of personal anxieties. His son Horace, 
writing in October 1741, says that he who 'was asleep 
as soon as his head touclicd the pillow, for I have 
frequently known him snore ere they had drawn his 
curtains, now never sleeps above an hour without 
waking ; and he who at dinner always forgot he wa=r 
minister, and was more gay and- thoughtless than all his 
company, now sits without speaking, and with lii= eyes 
fixed for an hour together. .Judge if this is the .'~^ir 
Eobert you knew.' ^ 

In 0' tober the King and Harrington returned from 
Hanover, and early in December the newly elected 
parliament met. From the very first it wa- clear that 
Walpole was surely falhng. Veiy ^e\"ere thing- were 
said against liis Government. 'I -ee manv motives for 
ceri-ure, none for approbation, all for distrust,' said 

' II. 'SValpole to Mann; Cirt. 10, 1741. 


Chesterfield. Instead of an address of thanks, Halifax 
suggested an address of condolence as more suitable 
to the occasion. 'A thing is said in the speech,' said 
Carteret, ' which I am sure the King believes, . . . and 
yet I would not confirm him in it. He says he has 
done all he could for the House of Austria. We shall 
be able to make him change his opinion.' Yet even in 
the gloomy condition of things Carteret saw what he 
called some glimmerings of hope ; hope that the King of 
Prussia might take alarm at the progress of the French ; 
hope from the King of Sardinia ; hope even from the 
exceedingly laggard Dutch. Every one of these hopes 
was in time realised. But Carteret, now as alwaj's, 
had strong objections to mere pleasing, flattering 
words which did not really correspond to the facts of 
tlie case. ' It is fact we must see,' he declared, and he 
felt not the slightest disposition to compliment the 
Government on its military or diplomatic situation. 
"What Avas the use of words ? ' There were strong 
words in the last address about the Queen of Hungary ; 
but thej' did her no good, and she Avill not mind these 
now.' ^ 

In the Commons the attack on Walpole was violent 
and very personal. Inste;ul of returning thanks for the 
conduct of the S])anish war, the opposition indignantly 
compelled the minister to omit from the address the 
sli<2;htest reference to that imbrocrlio of mismanagement 
and disaster. Pulteney made what Horace Walpole is 
compelled to admit was a fine speech ; but it was also 
an exceedingl}' keen personal attack. Pulteney even 
ventured to accuse Walpole not merel)' of errors or 
indifference, but actually of treachery and collusion 
Avith the enemy. Walpole, who had thoroughly re- 

' Sec-kfi-'s Parliamentary ^IS. ut siipiri. 


covered his health and spirits, s]joke for an hour in reply 
and self-defence. Yet in spite of all the heat and 
rhetoric there was no division. Dividing is not the 
Avay to multiply, said Pulteney vs^ith a mild witticism. 
But one decision was taken. Walpole challenged Pul- 
teney, who had loaded him Avith abuse, to name a day 
for investigating the charges brought against him, and 
declared that he himself would second the proposal. 
Pulteney at once accepted, and the great debate was 
fixed for January 21, 1742. 

But before this day could arrive there were repeated 
signs that "Walpole's fall was close at hand. The meet- 
ing of the new parliament was, as usual, followed by 
the inevitable debatings over many election petitions ; 
debates which were alwaj-s decided as simple questions 
of party politics, without any regard to the merits of 
each case. In one of these divisions "Walpole could 
only muster a majority of seven. In another, a few 
days later, he lost even this scanty support, and the 
opposition triumphed by four. Yet ' Sir Piobert is in 
great spirits and still sanguine,' wrote his son on tliis 
very day. Before Christmas Day Walpole was again 
defeated over the once famous Westminster election 
petition. ' AVe sat till half an hour after four,' Horace 
wrote to his friend Mann on Cliristmas Eve, • the 
longest day that ever was knoAAm,' savs he in those 
primitive parliamentary times. ' Sir Eobert was as 
well as ever, and spfjke with as much spirit as ever at 
four o'clock. . As he came out, Wliitehead, the 

author of Manners, and agent, with one Carey, a sur- 
geon, for the opposition, said, " Damn him, ho^v well he 
looks I " ' That was a curious old parliamentarv scene ; 
the ' honouraljle gentleman in the blue ribband.' in the 
dark small liours of a I)c(-ember morning, defeated yet 
undaunted, comiiiL'' out of tlie House wlierc he had bopu 


master for twenty years ; and beside him an enraged 
opposition, relieving its feelings in the dialect of tlie 
day. These last few weeks of Walpole's pohtical power 
are the only period in his whole career during which 
it is possible to feel any personal enthusiasm for him. 
There is something decidedly attractive in the big, 
brave way in which he held up against the shoal of his 
enemies. ' He is a brave fellow ; he has more spirit 
than any man I ever knew,' once said brave httle 
George of his useful Prime Minister. 

The day for Pidteney's debate came, and the Com- 
mons showed the fullest House that had been known 
for years. Sick and dying men, in flannel, on crutclies, 
were brought down to vote. Walpole's son Eubert, 
Lord Walpole, whose house adjoined the House (jf 
Commons, had taken there two or tliree members who 
were too ill to go through by "Westminster Hall, and 
meant to pass them in by his own door. The opposi- 
tion stopped the key-hole with sand. Five hundred 
and three members voted, and Pulteney was defeated 
by a majority of three. Though such a paltry Govern- 
ment victory was really a defeat, Walpole would not 
resign, but held on, seemingly in the best of spirits, 
against the advice of his family and private friends. 
But parliamentary rebuffs continued, and Walpole at 
last agreed that one more election question should be 
made the conclusive test. On the first stage of this 
petition Walpole was defeated by one vote. In the 
next division, the result was more decisively against 
liim ; and on February 13 he declared, as he left the 
House, that he would never again sit in it. Next day 
the King adjourned parliament for a fortnight, and 
before the Houses met again Walpole had resigned all 
his employments and Iiad been raised to the pceraae as 
Earl of Orford. 





Even before thefaUof Walpole, one member of his own 
Government had secretly attempted to come to terms 
with the opposition. Personal pohtical intrigue was 
the one science of which the Duke of Xewcastle %vas 
an easy master. ' His name is perfidy,' said AValpole 
once. As early as the Porteous affair, Newcastle had 
been sniffing about Carteret in an uneasy sort of way, 
with a dim, dull foreboding that Carteret would pro- 
baljly soon rise very high indeed ; and when the re- 
moval of Walpole became a question of days or hours 
only, Newcastle privately sought to negotiate himself 
into security with the leading men of the new arrange- 
ment. He wrote to Pulteney that he had a royal 
message for him, and asked Pulteney to meet him in 
strict secrecy. But Pulteney was far too prudent to 
enter into underhand communications with a man like 
Xewcastle. He refused to receive any message by 
stealth and in the dark ; Newcastle might come, if he 
liked, to Pulteney's own hou-e, by daylight, and in 
sight of all his servants. At this point Walpole inter- 
vened, anxious to do, with the knowledge of his col- 
leagues, what Newcastle had unsuccessfully attempted 
by private intrigue. Walpole was with very good 


reason alarmed for liis own personal safety. Lenity in 
politics had not yet become a favourite notion ; Walpole 
liimself liad been a parliamentary prisoner in the Tower. 
Political excitement was now running higher than at 
any time since the bursting of the South Sea Bubble, 
and the cry for an impeachment was very loud and 
persistent. ' Downing Street or the Tower,' was Horace 
Walpole's lively way of stating the probabilities of the 
case in the last days of his father's struggle in parha- 
ment. In such circumstances, Walpole had the best 
possible reason for attempting to bargain with his 
opponents before he positively laid down his power. 
Ten days before he resigned, Walpole began his 
arrangements, and during the fortnight's adjournment 
he busily continued them. The King knew that the 
successful opposition was not a united and harmonious 
party ; and he himself, in language suggested by Wal- 
pole, said to Pulteney : ' As soon as I found you were 
at variance among yourselves, I saw that I had two 
tiliops to deal with, and I rather chose to come to you, 
because I knew that your aim was only directed against 
my minister, but I did not know but the Duke of Argyle 
wanted to be King himself ^ The King personally dis- 
liked Pulteney ; but Walpole succeeded in overcoming 
that, and so gained his first point. A royal message 
was entrusted to Newcastle and Lord Chancellor Hard- 
wicke, and Pulteney agreed pubhcly to receive it ; only 
stipulating that, as Hardwicke was to be with New- 
c'astle, he himself should be accompanied by Carteret. 
The four accordingly met at Pulteney 's house. Yet at 
first the negotiation was quite unsuccessful. The royal 
oifer proposed that Pulteney should succeed Walpole 

' Report of a conversation with Pulteney; Add. MSS. 18,915; fol. 



'c\< Prime Minister. This in itself was not likely to be 
accepted ; for Pulteney had frequently declared that he 
would never again take office. And even this proposal 
was clogged witli a condition. The offer was only made 
on the understanding that there should be no prosecu- 
tion of Walpole. To this Pulteney at once refused to 
agree. He was not, he said, bloodthirsty, but it was 
beyond his power to bind his party to any such ar- 
rangement. On such terms nothing could be done. 
Xewcastle found himself thirsty, and asked for wine. 
It Avas evening, and champagne was brought in ; ^ Xew- 
castle drank to their happier meeting. Pulteney smi- 
lingly said that he would drink to Xewcastle in the 
Av ords of Shake-peare's Brutus : — 

If we do meet again, wliy, we shall smile ; 
If not, why then, this meeting was well made. 

Walpole thus failed to secure Pulteney for Premier ; 
and it seems probable, though tlie accounts are confused 
and contradictory, that Pulteney desired Carteret to 
take the post. It is probable too that Carteret, Avhile 
perfectly wiUing to -erve under Pulteney, considered 
his own claims the highest after Pulteney's refusal. It 
is not clear whether Walpole objected to this. He need 
not have feared Carteret personally ; Carteret was a rare 
instance of an eighteenth-century statesman absolutely 
free from A'indictivene-s. In any case, the offer was 
not made. The King, Avhen Pulteney declined the office 
for hinj-elf. desired that his old fiiend Sir Spencer 
Compton, now Lord Wilmington, might be allowed to 
slide into it. To put AA'ilmington at the head of a 
Cabinet Avhich included Carteret and Pulteney was an 
arrangement Avhich might have been c[uoted as a pre- 

' Cliaotic Coxe f-ays it was forenoon and niirus I 

POWER 241 

cedent for making Pitt and Fox subordinates of Sir 
Thomas Robinson. Pulteney, however, agreed ; saying 
to Carteret, who probably did not conceal his dissatis- 
faction : ' You must be Secretary of State, as the fittest 
person to direct foreign affairs.' For himself Pulteney 
only required a peerage and a seat in the Cabinet with- 
out the seals of any department. On these conditions 
an arrangement was accomplished. Some of AValpole's 
old colleagues, Xewcastle, Pelham, Lord Hardwicke, con- 
tinued to hold their offices ; some, like Hervey, were dis- 
missed ; some, Hke Wilmington and Harrington, changed 
their places. The other half of the Government repre- 
sented the victorious opposition. Sandys, a rather in- 
significant man, whose ability to spell was considered an 
open question, became Chancellor of the Exchequer ; 
Carteret's friend Winchelsea took the Admiralty ; Argyle, 
with a good deal of angry discontent, the War Office. 
Pulteney became an unattached member of the Cabinet. 
Carteret himself received the seals which Harrington 
resigned, and officially was designated Secretary of State 
for the Northern department ; but everj^ one understood 
that Wilmington was a mere cypher, and that Carteret 
was really the Prime Minister. The Government was 
always spoken of as his. 

But before the new arrangements had reached even 
this elementary settlement, internal difficulties threat- 
ened a troubled career to the new administration. The 
opposition which overthrew Walpole had itself been a 
conglomeration of political parties. Everj' one of these 
thought itself entitled to share the spoils, and every one 
of them was discontented when its claims were over- 
looked. Carteret and Pulteney were the leaders of the 
discontented Whigs or Patriots ; j-et some of this party, 
as Chesterfield, were dissatisfied because they had not 



been called to council or offered places. They were 
offended at the evident superiority of Carteret. The 
Tories were offended when it became clear that they 
themselves were to have a very trifling share of in- 
fluence, and that the Jacobites were to have absolutely 
none. The Whigs of the Prince of AVales's party were 
discontented ; some, with the places assigned to them ; 
others, like Pitt, Lyttelton, and the Grenvilles, because 
they had no places at all. These parties had all 
"wilUngly enough imited to remove Walpole from 
power ; but as soon as the one object on which they 
were agreed was attained, they flew asunder again into 
discordant groups. The rumour that the necessary 
negotiations had been entrusted to Carteret and Pulteney 
threAV them all into violent agitation. The news that 
the chief posts in the Government had already been dis- 
posed of filled them with impotent passion. They de- 
clared that they had been betrayed ; and on February 22, 
the very day of AValpole's resignation, and the day 
before Carteret received the seals, they assembled in 
full force to give vent to their indignation. At the 
Fountain, a tavern in the Strand much used for poh- 
tical purposes, between two and three hundred mem- 
bers of both Houses met, and after dinner relieved 
themselves of much angry eloquence. They invited 
Carteret and Pulteney to be present. Carteret would 
not go, saying that he never dined at a tavern ; but 
Pulteney went, only to hear himself abused. Argyle 
spoke with his usual passion. Using the cant phrase 
of the day, he declared that the Government should be 
formed upon a Broad Bottom, and that room must be 
made for all of them by dismissing every member of 
AValpole's administration. One enthusiast, who at least 
ought to ha^■e been a very j'oung man, exjire-sed the 

POWER 2i3 

same thing Avith a pleasantly classical flavour, and drank 
to cleansing the Augean stable of the dung and grooms. 
Argyle sneered at the opposition leaders ^vho had al- 
ready accepted office ; angrily said of Pulteney — who 
was exceedingly rich — that a grain of honesty was worth 
a cartload of gold ; and warmly demanded the prosecu- 
tion of Walpole. To all this abuse Pulteney rejjlied 
Avith spirit, but with moderation ; and the meeting 
broke uj) in an excited and angry condition. 

If Walpole wished, as very probably he had intended, 
to stir up dissensions in the ranks of his opponents, 
he had already very fairly succeeded. Already there 
seemed a dangerous possibility that the heterogeneous 
forces of opposition would attempt to annihilate one 
another. To secure something like an harmonious under- 
standing, a meeting of the chief leaders was held under 
the soothing mediatorship of the Prince of Wales. Pul- 
teney quietly declared that the real power of the Go- 
vernment was in the hands of its new members, and that 
entirely to get rid of the friends of Walpole was, at that 
crisis, simply impossible. Even passionate Argyle seemed 
to see the truth and force of this. When the Prince 
declared his own satisfaction with the arrangements 
which Carteret and Pulteney had made, Argyle, for 
all his bitterness, consented to join the Government ; 
demanding only that for the Tory Sir John CV)tton a 
place also should be found. An open rupture thus 
seemed to have been avoided, and when parliament ix'- 
sumed after its fortnight's adjournment, the late opposi- 
tion appeared as one united party. But this union was on 
the surface onlj*. When the final official arrangements 
^\-ere announced, it was found that after all there was no 
appointment for Cotton. The King had declared that 
he was determined to stand by those who had set his 

R '2 


family on the throne, and positively declined to accept 
the Tory. This was too much for Argyle. He had 
already made no secret of his dissatisfaction with the 
Government of which he was himself a member. Glover, 
the merchant-poet, known as ' Leonidas ' Glover, from 
the name of a so-called epic which he had produced at 
the age of five-and-twenty, had found Argyle one day 
pacing up and down his room and thundering against 
Carteret as his enemy. ^ Argyle now resigned, and 
went into bitter opposition. He even wrote to Orford, 
and offered to assist him in demolishing their common 
enemy, the new ministry.^^ Pulteney long afterwards 
told Lord Shelburne that it was impossible to under- 
stand or describe the confusion that prevailed at that 
political crisis ; that he himself lost his head, and was 
obliged to go out of town for three or four days to keep 
his senses.^ He returned to London only to hear that 
there was already a split in the new Government. 

The personal details of the formation of a Govern- 
ment, the rivalries and jealousies, the fightings for stars 
and ribbands and places, had never much interest for 
Carteret. Unfortunately, perhaps, for his own political 
advantage, he was very contemptuous of all that, and 
had his mind set on other things. 'Li the upper depart- 
ments of Government he had not his equal,' Pitt said of 
Carteret long after Carteret's death. The destinies of 
Europe, the motions of armies, the policy of statesmen, 
were Carteret's department ; he very willingly let the 
provincialisms of politics alone. He had come into 
power at a very anxious time. The Treaty of Klein- 
schnellendorf, by which Maria had freed her:^elf from 

• Gl'ivHr's M/'niniis of n (Jihhratcd LUcrnrij and l'<ilHi'al. Character. 

'' Add. :\JSS. 9,224 :'fol. 2. 

^ Shelburne's ^l«<'<i/'-';/)''/^^/(^ ; Fitzmaurice's •S/ic^MOio, I. 40. 

POWEB -2^5 

the active opposition of Prussia, liad proved a very 
temporary affair. It had removed Frederick from the 
scene, but it left the French free to act as they pleased. 
While the one French army had, by threatening Han- 
over, checkmated George and sent him home neutral, 
the other had pushed on down the Danube, and joined 
the Elector of Bavaria, who hoped soon to be Emperor. 
They advanced as far as Linz ; it seemed their destina- 
tion was Vienna itself. Vienna was in great alarm, but 
was relieved Avhen, at Linz, its enemies altered their line 
of march, and turned off" direct north to Bohemia. Leav- 
ing only a small number of men in the Linz regions to 
hold their conquests on the Danube, French, Bavarians, 
and Saxons all made for the North, to meet again at 
Prag. And they took Prag ; but there for the time 
their successes ended. Maria's husband, the Grand 
Duke Francis, also marched for Bohemia ; and the 
Austrian general Khevenhtdler moved from Vienna to 
look after the French forces that had been left behind 
on the Danube. He recovered Linz itself, retaking it 
on January 24, 1742, the very day on which the Elector 
of Bavaria became Emperor Charles VII. But the new 
Emperor had already appealed for help to Frederick, and 
Frederick was ready, for he had only granted the Treaty 
of Kleinschnellendorf on the condition of absolute 
secrecy, and Austria had paid very temporary regard 
to this stipulation. Frederick therefore rejoined his 
allies, and decided, in union with the French and Saxons, 
to seize Moravia, and if possible sweep down upon 
Vienna itself. The plan was no doubt admirable ; yet 
the Moravian expedition turned out a complete failure. 
The French and Saxons gave Frederick endless trouble ; 
the Saxons were very backward and unwilling ; the 
French actually left him. Still he pressed on ; but in 


sucli circumstances could not take Brllnn, the strong- 
hold of ]\Ioravia, and soon found himself forced to an 
i;nwilling retreat. 

It was just when Austrian affairs were in this greatly 
improved condition, when the French had turned aside 
from Vienna, when KhevenhuUer was doing well on the 
Danube, when Pandours Avere entering the Emperor's 
own Bavaria, when the Saxons and the French were 
deserting Frederick, and when Frederick himself was 
about to retreat from Moravia, that the change in the 
English Government brought Carteret into power. He 
Avas foreign minister ; practically he was also Prime 
]\Iiuister. He was by no means anxious for war, but he 
kneAv his own mind, and was desirous to start his policy 
AA'ith a clear understanding. In March 1742 he had an 
interview with the French ambassador, and while he 
frankly told him that England would not consent to the 
overthrow of the House of Austria, he desired that the 
French Government sliould also plainly declare its in- 
tentions, that, if possible, the two countries might work 
together. The amljassadijr duly reported this to his 
master Fleury, and Fleury wrote to Frederick : ' Voire 
maje.sti' aurn jugi aisi'ment par tons les Ji^cours de my 
Lord Carteret, quil vondroit se rendre /ueJtafexr. etfaire 
reprendre an roy smi maitre Vinfluence qu'il anrtt eiie 
dans toutes les einarres de VEureqie. et je snis lien assure 
(pie rien n'ec/iopiiera pav ses lumieres.' ^ In that opinion 
Fleury was perfectly correct ; nothing would or did 
escape Carteret's ' lights,' and Frederick also was soon 
aware of that. It wa> voi-y early evident that Carteret's 
foreign policy was a factor which European Kings 
and statesmen would have to consider with rc-pectful 

' Add. MSS. 22,r,i-2 ; fol. .01, v. March 20, 1742. 

POWER 247 

Carteret's decisive determination, resting upon un- 
rivalled political knowledge, was backed up by a 
warlike King and an eager nation. Half a million was 
at once voted for the support of Maria Theresa. The 
cause of the House of Austria was recognised as the 
cause of public good faith and security, and, strangely 
as such a thing sounds in these later days, as the cause 
of liberty. When Prince William of Hesse urged upon 
Carteret that England should take no active part in the 
continental quarrel, Carteret would not listen for a 
moment, but declared that it was both the glory and 
the duty of England to support the Empire against the 
ambitious interference of France. But Carteret clearly 
saw that one preliminary step was almost essential. 
Austria must make peace with Frederick. Carteret had 
seen this from the first. He had said in Parliament 
months before that if he had been in power a recon- 
ciliation between Prussia and Austria would have been 
his first care. Now that power was his, he was true to 
his old opinion. In his despatches to the ambassadors 
abroad he never wearied in pressing this view upon 
them.^ The detachment of Frederick from the alliance 
Avith France would, he urged, be a fatal stroke to all 
the French schemes in Germany. And he was ver}^ 
hopeful of accomplishing it ; for he shrewdly saw that 
Frederick's most earnest prayer might soon be a praj-er 
for deliverance from his so-called friends. The French 
were certainly not at all minded to overthrow Austria 
in order to put Prussia in its place. Belleisle and the 
rather doubtful characters at the French Court, who 
had entered so eagerly into his scheme for partitioning 

' The statements made in this cliapter regarding Carteret's own opinions 
and policy, and the quotations from his own language, are almost entirely 
from his Toluminous j\iS. correspondence in the British iliiseum. It is 
not desirable to load the page with refeienees in each particular case. 


Germany and making it little more than a hanger-on of 
Versailles, had little enthusiasm and less practical help 
to lavish on an ally, except when it entirely suited their 
own convenience. Frederick was already feeling this 
in his unfortunate Moravian expedition ; and at the 
end of April 1742 tlie Eail of Stair, Avho had suc- 
ceeded Argyle at the War Office, and had gone over 
to the Hague to attempt to rouse tlie Dutch to some- 
thing like energy, wrote home to Carteret : ' 'Tis certain 
at this time his Prussian majesty is very sick of the 
French.' So Carteret was hopeful ; the one possible 
difficulty was his acknowledged inability as yet definitely 
to answer the question : What is the real character of 
this new King of Prussia ? Xo complete answer was at 
this time possible for foreign or even for Prussian ob- 
servers ; many of the attempted rephes were ludicrous 
failures. Horace Walpole with easy infallibihty was 
iust laving- it down to his friend Mann that Frederick's 
personal cowardice was a well-estabhshed fact. Car- 
teret's estimate is really true as far as it goes, and is 
interesting as the admittedly imperfect opinion of one 
of the keenest political observers in Europe. He writes 
to the English ambassador, Hyndford, at BerUn : ' From 
what we know of his [Frederick's] character, the way 
in which you can hope to make any lasting impression 
on him is pointing out to him liis interest and his 
danger, rather than that of courtship and exhortation 
from any other principles. . . Xegotiating with him 
we hold to be extremely dangerous, and your Lordship 
mu.^t have the greatest guard upon yourself in con- 
ferring with him.' 

While Carteret was writing this letter, Frederick 
was retreating from Moravia. Here was another of 
what Carteret called Maria's unexpected happy sue- 

POWEB 249 

cesses. The King of Prussia, practically abandoned by 
his allies, made his way to Bohemia, there to await 
Maria's brother, Prince Charles, and his pursuing Aus- 
trians. Yet when Frederick's situation seemed most 
unfortunate he had a decided deliverance. Prince 
Charles entered Bohemia, and on May 17, 1742, fought 
the battle known indifferently by the names of Chotu- 
sitz and Czaslau. From the military point of view, the 
Austrians might perhaps have been more completely 
defeated, but on the political side Frederick might well 
be perfectly satisfied. Maria could no longer refuse to 
consider terms of peace. The Enghsh Government re- 
ceived the news of the battle with great concern, and at 
once spoke importunately at Vienna. From Frederick 
himself there came to the Prussian minister in London 
a letter, dated two days after the battle, containing an 
offer which was to be communicated to Carteret alone. 
The minister would not venture to give to Carteret a 
word of it in writing; ; ^ and was so terrified with bein" 
made responsible with his head for the secret of this 
overture, that I could only obtain from him to let me 
take down in writing from his mouth the most material 
passage.' This was the ])assage in which Frederick de- 
clared that he could not himself take up arms against 
the French, who were nominally at least his allies ; but 
also asserted his complete willingness to make peace 
witli Maria, ' ,^i on pent porter hi reine cFTJongrie a 
in'accorder de-s conditions avantaij eases ; ' ^ in other 
words, if the Queen would sanction the cession of 
Silesia. Andrie, the Prussian ambassador, was ordered 
to report Carteret's reply in his very words, and Carte- 
ret spoke therefore vei'y cautiously. But he agreed 
that Vienna ought to grant Frederick ' advantageous 

' Carteret to Robinson ; May 2S, 1742. Add. MSS. 22,-529 : fol. 30. 


conditions,' and promised that England would continue 
to press Maria to consent. 

Eeluctantly, but seeing there was no help for it, 
Maria yielded, and granted the peace which Frederick 
required. The arrangements were entrusted to the 
English ambassador, Hyndford, who went to Frederick 
at Breslau to settle all details with the due formalities. 
Hyndford was soon successful. On June 11 the 
Treaty of Breslau was signed ; Silesia was ceded to 
Frederick, and Austria and Prussia were at peace. 
' The greatest blow that France has received since the 
happy accession of the House of Hanover to the crown 
of Great Britain,' wrote Hyndford gladly to Carteret, 
two days after the signing ; and Carteret also called it 
a great and happy event. Frederick himself was pro- 
fuse in compliments to Carteret over the matter ; a 
work Avorthy, said Frederick, of Carteret's ministry and 
of Carteret's own ' grandes lumieres.' In his Histoire 
de mon Temps, Frederick expressly says : ' Le Lord 
Carteret fut le principal promoteur de cet ouvrage.' It 
was indeed a very satisfactory beginning of the minis- 
ter's power, and it gained him great popularity in 
England. ' Lord Carteret,' Avrote one of the permanent 
Government officials, ' gains great esteem and ground 
by his resolution and unshaken fermetc, and will carry 
matters, I doubt not, in such a channel that the people 
will be, as they daily are, more and more pleased.' ^ 
The Earl of Bentinck wrote from the Hague to his 
mother, the Countess Dowager of Portland : ' I assure 
you that if Lord Carteret is the man that advised send- 
ing troops into Flanders, it is very much for his honour. 

. . And it was certainly a mighty well-judged 

' Mr. Porter to Robinson at Vinnna ; June 14, 1742. Add. MSS. 
9,1^0; fol. 11.3. 

POWEB 251 

tiling to show that one is in earnest in the defence 
of the House of Austria. ... I heartily wish Lord 
Carteret good success in all his undertakings. He is in 
the right way as to foreign affairs. I have seen some of 
his despatches both in English and in French, and not 
Avithout admiration as to the principles and sentiments, 
as well as for the turn and style, but above all for 
the vigour and spirit, which must save Europe at 
present.' ■"■ 

Maria's chief enemy was thus removed ; and the 
French and Bavarians, left staiidiiicf alone ao-ainst 
Austria, had meanwhile been faring badly enough. 
KhevenhuUer, since he took Linz, had seized Passau 
and Munich, and was master of all Bavaria south of the 
Danube ; and the French, who had indeed taken Prag, 
were now shut up and themselves besieged in it. 
Could not England now, thought Carteret, strike in 
energetically, and make her second attempt to support 
the Queen more successful than the first had proved ? 
Carteret, exuw before these fortunate events, had re- 
solved at least to try. Stair, the Commander-in-Chief, 
held high views of attacking the French frontier 
toAvards the Xetherlands, of reducing Dunkirk, and 
even penetrating tlirough an undefended country to 
Paris. SLxteen thousand English troops were to join the 
Dutch in the Netherlands ; George's own Hanoverians 
were 1G,000 more, and 6,000 Hessians were bound to 
England by subsidy. AVith Maria's contribution of 
14,000 men, the united English and Austrians would 
number 52,000 in tlie Lowlands. Eeinforced by the 
promised 20,000 Dutch, the force woidd be really more 
than respectable. But the terribly laggard Dutch were 
the one dark and doubtful spot. Their Government 

1 June ±2, 174i'. Brit. Mus. Eirerton MSS. ; 1,712 ; fol. 2.")2. 


had been discussing and protesting and promising for 
weary months back, and httle had come of the ahuost 
frantic efforts of diplomacy but endless despatches and 
infinite futility. Only a few days after he had come 
into power, Carteret had received from Trevor, the 
Englisli ambassador at the Hague, the Avelcome news 
that Holland had really resolved to be active ; but 
between resolving and carrying out resolutions there 
was evidently room for much. A very few days later 
Trevor had to write that there was a party in Holland 
which would take alarm at any proposal that was not 
as insipid and insignificant as water- gruel. Xow the 
new, vigorous English Government, resolute to spare 
no effort, sent over the Earl of Stair as ambassador 
extraordinary, to see if Holland would not act a Httle 
more, and talk a little less. Stair was able to give the 
Dutch substantial proof of England's earnestness in 
the cause, for parliament had voted the half-million 
to Maria on the day on which he left England. And 
at first it even seemed possible that Stair might be 

In England itself the military activity was great. 
A camp was established on Lexden Heath, near Col- 
chester, and frequent reviews were held, to the huge 
delight of military George and his corpulent son, the 
Duke of Cumberland ; for Cumberland also fancied 
himself a soldier of genius, and made England pay con- 
siderably for that pleasant notion. In May the Enghsh 
ti'oops began to embark in the transports at Gravesend ; 
the first instalment of them reached C)stend before that 
month was over. ' We send our forces over as fast as 
possilile,' wrote Carteret in June to Stair, ' to be under 
your command, and our affaijs are bi'ought to a much 
Ijetter consistency tlian I could have hoped for in so 


short a time. . . . Our measures give satisfaction at 
home, as all the world now sees that we are no longer 
to be led by France.' ^ All through the summer the 
troops continued to cross the sea, and the 22,000 
Hanoverians and Hessians were ready to march into 
Flanders to join them. Surely now the Dutch, seeing 
38,000 men in British pay, and Maria's 14,000 ready 
also to take part, would throw off their heavy sluggish- 
ness, and at last co-operate in reality. In spite of all 
England's efforts, it seemed that after all they would 
not. In this same month of June Stair had to write to 
Carteret that not a Dutchman had been in Trevor's 
house for a month ; and the well-meaning, though 
always slightly impracticable, old soldier — he Avas now 
seventy years old — began to ask himself if it was worth 
while to stay among such a sluggishly ponderous people 
any longer. ' I shall never desire to eat the King's 
Ijread when I cannot be useful to his service. When- 
ever that happens, my Lord,' he wrote to Carteret, ' I 
shall desire to return to my plough, whence your Lord- 
ship knows I came unwillingly.' 

It was exactly in these very June days, while 
English statesmen could do little but gaze imploringly 
with a kind of despairing hope at their exceedingly 
lethargic alhes, that the Treat}" of Breslau was success- 
fully accomplished. Even the rather despondent Stair 
had reckoned that the heavy Dutchmen would stir if 
only Maria and Frederick could be brought to terms. 
Here, now, was tins actually accomplished ; yet the 
Dutch remained as stolid and immovable as ever. It 
was exceedingly provoking, for something really im- 
portant might have marked the next few weeks if there 
had been anything like cheerful co-operation. Maille- 

' J. M. Graham's Stair, II. 280. 


bois and his French, who had so long been threaten- 
ing Hanover, had left Germany altogether "when the 
new Englisli administration Avas seen to be in earnest, 
and had marched for Dunkirk, anticipating a possible 
English attack there. But now, in August, Maillebois 
received sudden orders to quit Dunkirk and hasten to 
the help of the French besieged in Prag. Carteret 
could hardly believe tliis news when first he heard it. 
The departure of the French left the road to Paria 
perfectly open — not a French soldier Ijctween Paris 
and the English arm}'. From another point of view, 
however, Carteret strongly disliked this proceeding of 
Maillebois, and writing to Hyndford he says that 'it 
appears to his majesty to be high time to put an end 
to these inroads of the French upon Germany, and to 
clear the Empire of those already there.' At the same 
time the movement of the French seemed to offer 
England a decided military chance. Could not, at the 
very least, the Dunkirk question be once for all settled? 
Or could not the allied armies give a good account of 
Maillebois if he should attempt to return there .' George 
himself, now that at Jast there seemed a prospect of 
fighting instead of arguing, would go over to put him- 
self at the head of his troops : — 

Give us our fiddle ; we ourselves will play ; 

as the opposition journals unkindly quoted. Carteret 
was to accompany the King, who seemed bent upon the 
undertaking ; the royal baggage and saddle-horses did 
actually get as far as C^ravesend ; but tliey got no 
farther. It had been intended that Carteret should 
take the Hague in his way, and find out once for 
all what could or could not be done with the remark- 
aljle people there. But in tlie end it was decided 

POWER 255 

that Carteret, after visiting tlie Dutch statesmen, 
should return to London before the King left Eng- 
land ; and it was quite well understood that the King's 
proposed visit to the Continent would chieil)' dejjend 
upon the reports wliich Carteret brought home with 

Carteret arrived at the Hague on October 5, 1742. 
Mi the difficulties which he would meet with from the 
Dutch official people were represented to him on his 
arrival ; but he replied that the principle to which he 
had held throughout his whole life was to reject the 
word ' impossible.'^ Perhaps, however, he was himself 
surprised that he actually succeeded wth the Dutch. 
He got from them a definite undertaking to join England 
in paying subsidies to the Queen of Hungary, and a 
promise that the 20,000 Dutch troops should join the 
English army Avith all possible s])eed. At once, after 
only a week's stay, Carteret hastened to make his way 
home again, and nearly paid liis hfe for his success. 
After being at sea for five days, he was driven by a 
violent storm as far north as Hull ; with great difficulty 
the man-of-war on which he sailed succeeded in reach- 
ing Yarmouth. From Yarmouth Carteret made his way 
to London by road ; and on the very day of his arrival 
had an interview with the King at Kensington. Carteret, 
writes gossiping Horace, ' was near being lost ; he told 
the King that being in a storm, he had thought it safest 
to put into Yarmouth Eoads, at which we laughed, hoh! 
hoh ! hoh ! ' being easily amused.'-^ Of the minister's 
serious talk gossiping Horace can give no report ; but 
the day after the interview the royal horses and bao-- 

^ Adelung, Pragmntische StaaUgeschic.hte Europens, III. ((, 294. 
■^ Duchess of Yarmouth was the Enghsh title of one of the King's Ger- 
man -women. 


gage wliicli had been shipped for Flanders were brought 
back aL^ain to London. There could be no thoughts of 
a campaign that season ; the weather itself was alone 
suffifient to decide that. The Dutch had at last been 
secured ; but for the present nothing more could be 
done than to elaborate plans for early and, if possible, 
decisive action next season. The Austrian general 
D'Ahremberg came to London to share in the military- 
consultations. He was well received and feasted at 
many entertainments, which always took the form of 
suppers ; for D'Ahremberg insisted upon dining at 
eleven o'clock in the morning, an hour or more too 
early for the English world of fashion. He left London 
in Xovember, very well satisfied with the newly devised 
military scheme ; the final touches were to be given by 
himself and Stair in union at the Hague. It had to 
be confessed that the campaign of 1742 had been lost ; 
but on all sides there was fixed determination to make 
something of the next one. The troops which had so 
long idl)' fingered in Flanders were garrisoned in the 
ISTetherland towns for the winter, the English chiefly in 
the neighbourhood of Ghent ; there to wait tiU the 
spring of 1743 came round, and mifitary action was 
again possible. Thus George's second attempt to help 
]\Iaria Theresa with more than generous money subsi- 
dies had practically been as unsuccessful as his first. In 
the first he had been able to do absolutely nothing ; in 
the second he had actually got his troops upon the 
ground, but had not been able to use them ; in the 
third he was destined to be successful at last, in a very 
surprising manner. 

The interval between the cantonment of the troops 
in the Xetherlands during tlie -wdnter months, and the 
beginning of their march into Germany next year, ^\■as 

POWER 267 

occupied in England by a rather stormy session of 
parliament. The discontented members of the late 
opposition were loudly asserting that Carteret and 
Pidteney had betrayed them, and were anxious to 
make Carteret at least feel their resentment. To attack 
Pulteney was almost superfluous. His acceptance of a 
peerage as Earl of Bath — his Countess was popularly 
known as the Wife of Bath — had been the signal for 
the ruin of his reputation. Satirists, pamphleteers, epi- 
grammatists exhausted their vocabulary, from the polite 
sneer down to the vulgarest ribaldry, over an event 
which Walpole for his own purposes was reckoned to 
have had a fair share in bringing about.-^ His influence 
even with the Cabinet in which he sat was slight. He 
did nut know beforehand of Carteret's important com- 
mission to visit the Hague ; Newcastle announced it by 
letter to him, as an event which would probably surprise 
him. It was Carteret alone, therefore, who had to 
endure the almost undivided anger of a disappointed 
and discontented party. They had been attacking him 
from the very moment when he had formed his Govern- 
ment. In April 1742 Sandys said to Bishop Seeker 
til at he could not imagine ^^■hy they all spoke against 

' Sir C. II. Williams's lines are an inoffensive specimen of the general 
feeling : — 

' Great Earl of Bath, your reign is o'er ; 
The Tories trust your word no more, 

The Whigs no longer fear ye ; 
Your g-ates are seldom now unbarr'd, 
Xo crowds of coaches fill your yard, 
And scarce a soul comes near ye. . . . 

E.xpect to see that tribe no more, 
Since all manliind perceives that power 

Is lodg'd in other hands ; 
Sooner to Carteret now they'll go, 
Or even (though that's e.xcessi\ e low) 

To Wilmington or Sands.' 


Carteret, unless it were because lie had better abilities 
than any of them. Ar^'vle, of course, was one of these 
earliest assailants. ' An Emperor may grow weary of 
the servihty of a senate,' Carteret had once said in par- 
liament. Hardly had Argyle resigned when, with the 
irritated pique of a personally disappointed man, he 
repeated these words of Carteret's, and bitterly added : 
' A minister never will.' Throughout Carteret's first 
session, those who had shared in the work of over- 
throwing the old Government, and yet found them- 
selves unimportant and uninfliiential under the new, 
were fretting with unconcealed bitterness ; in his second 
session their angry irritation A\-as naturally increased. 
There was nothing surprising or, from one point of view, 
very important in all this ; the weak point of the 
C-i-overnment was the disunion and discord among its 
own members. The old section of the Cabinet, tho'^e 
who had been the friends and colleagues of Walpole, 
could not well agree with the new section who had 
driven Walpole from power. The views of tlie insignifi- 
cant Wilmington were of no consequence ; no one knew 
or cared whether he had any views or not. But New- 
castle and Pelham and Hardwicke were rather the 
thwarters than the colleagues of Carteret and the now 
element in the Gi-overnraent. The Pelhams especially 
were consumed vrii\\ jealousy at the leading position 
which Carteret held. ' My Lord Carteret, who is in the 
strictest connection with my brother and I,' Newcastle 
had written some six months after the formation of the 
new ministry ; but even at that early date there was 
liardly more truth tlian grammar in the sentence. And 
their jealousy went uw rapidly increasing a- every 
mouth showed more 'Icarly that C'arteret was the real 
master. To fight again-t the regular Tory opposition. 

POWEB 259 

reinforced by a number of able Whigs who fancied, or 
at least pretended to fancy, that they had been wronged 
and betrayed, and at the same time to hold on his way 
against the underhand intriguings of insincere colleagues, 
needed all Carteret's consciousness of ability and high 
intentions, as well as the courageous buoyancy of dis- 
position which never for a moment forsook him. 

Parliament met at the end of November 1742. On 
the very first day the opposition leaders took up the 
subject on which they obstinately insisted all through 
the session. Their order of the day was denunciation of 
Hanover and all its works. Pitt was chosen as their 
spokesman. There is no report of what he said on this 
opening occasion, but he is not likely to have failed in 
severity. ' Pitt spoke like ten thousand angels,' was the 
enthusiastic comment of Eichard Grenville, afterwards 
Earl Temple ; and the House of Commons on its first 
day was in an exceedingly animated condition. But 
the angelic eloquence which transported members with 
admiration could not perform the altogether prosaic 
task of gaining their votes ; the rhetorical performance 
was no doubt very fine, but from a ministerial point of 
view the division-list was far finer. The Lords did not 
even venture to divide at all ; and Carteret was able to 
congratulate himself on a good beginning. This first 
night was indeed a fair epitome of the whole session. 
There was abundance of angry opposition eloquence ; 
abundance of personal abuse and sneering insinuations ; 
but the exciting rhetorical proceedings always closed 
with the solid victory of the Government. The two 
chief questions that engaged the Houses are a sufficient 
illustration. One was the question of the British troops 
in Flanders. The opposition declared that to keep the 
troops in garrison there till the next campaign could 

S 2 


begin was what the parliamentary jargon of the day 
called a Hanoverian measure, and they insisted that 
the men should be disbanded, ilurray's eloquence, 
supporting the Government, was on this occasion heard 
for the first time ; and the defeat of the opposition was 
so overwhelming that Carteret gladly reckoned on its 
probable good effect abroad. The other question roused 
angrier feehngs. AVas Hanover or was England to pay 
for the 1G,0U0 Hanoverian troops which George was 
holding under arms ? They had been sent into Flanders 
to join the English tliere ; if they were to be kept 
England would inevitably have to pay for them, for the 
King s Electoral means were in no way sufficient for such 
luxuries. The outcry which the opposition raised was 
terrible. Everything, tliey said, was done for Hanover, 
nothing by Hanover. England's interests were invari- 
ably sacrificed for the sake of a miserable little German 
Electorate. In his slightly elaborate style of fashionable 
sarcasm, Chesterfield asserted that the one effectual wav 
of ruining the Pretender's hopes would be to make him 
Elector of Hanover ; for never again would the Eng- 
lish people accept a King from that quarter. He even 
denounced Hanover and things Hanoverian in a pam- 
phlet which had an unbounded success then, though it 
is a weariness to think of now. In the House of Com- 
mons the opposition promised themselves a ' glorious 
day' over this much-argued question; and at lea-t 
had the day, if they altogether missed the glory. lu 
the Lords also there wa- much liveline-s. It wa~ hinted 
that the Government's re-olve to pay the troops was 
the deci-ion of C irteret alone. Bath, now in the same 
Hou-e with Carteret, bluntly contradicted this. ' I am 
personally obliged,' said Bath, • to speak on this subject 
by the m dice of t!ie world, and the arts of the eneniies 

rOWEE 2G1 

of the Government. I did approve this measure, and 
do approve it. It was not a rash measure of one single 
man, but the united opinion of all the administration 
who were present.' Carteret's enemies were also dis- 
appointed in another direction. They had calculated 
that Newcastle would at most gi\c only a silent vote for 
the Government policy. But Newcastle spoke decidedly 
in support of it. Horace Walpole says that Carteret 
in his speech was ' under great concern.' There is no 
evidence of that in the genuine fragments of the speech 
which have survived. ' The present question,' Carteret 
said, ' is : Will you submit to France or not ? I will 
always traverse the views of France in place or out of 
place; f)r France will ruin this nation if it can.' The 
Government's victory was easy; and the stormy session 
ended in April 1743. 

And now began in earnest George's third attempt 
to check the proceedings of the French in Germany. 
Although the promise which the Dutch had made to 
Carteret had not yet been fulfilled, it was resolved at 
the end of 1742 that as soon as the weather allowed 
the English troops should leave their garrisons in the 
Netherlands, and march into Germany to the support 
of the Queen of Hungary. Stair had naturally been 
very much vexed at the long inaction. In his vexation 
he made the singularly inappropriate mistake of fancy- 
ing that some backwardness on Carteret's part Avas re- 
sponsible for the delay. In the last months of 1742 
Stair wrote some rather querulous letters to Carteret, 
almost upbraiding him with a desertion of the cause 
which in opposition he had so strenuously supported. 
' I am very sure,' said Stair in one of these letters, 
' that you have everything in your power that should 
tempt the ambition of a great man.' Carteret good- 


humouredly enough put him right. He had already 
Avritten to Stair in July 1742 : ' I am looked upon by 
many of my friends and yours as too rash, though I don't 
carry my views so far as your Lordship, which may 
proceed from my ignorance in military affairs.' ^ Stair 
soon found that in reproaching Carteret he had made a 
complete mistake, and before the year was over he fully 
acknowledged it : — 

' I thank your Lordship for the honour of your 
private letter of the 22nd of Xovember, O.S. ; I can 
assure your Lordship with great truth that for your own 
sake nothing can be a greater pleasure to me than to see 
evidently that your Lordship pursues the same system 
of foreign affairs which I took to be your system when 
your Lordship brought me into his majesty's service. . . . 
I am very sure the King, our master, has everything in 
his power for the safety and honour of Great Britain, 
for the good of Europe, and for his own glory ; and 
Lord Carteret will with justice be thought the main 
spring of moving the great machine.' ^ 

For indeed there was no backwardness in Carteret 
or in the King ; but, altogether apart from the slowness 
of the Dutch, whose heavy sluggishness has at times 
something almost comic about it, there were various 
difficulties in the way, the Queen of Hungary herseli 
being one of the chief of them. Maria was very chival- 
rous, and high-minded, and interesting; but she Avas 
not very practicable to deal with, even when it was her 
own interest that was chiefly concerned. Month after 
month Carteret had been urging her to gain over the 
King of Sardinia and so strengthen herself against 
France on the south side of the Alps ; yet she would do 

' J. M. Graham's Stair, II. 287. 
2 Add. .MSS. 6,911; M. -23. 


nothing but show what Carteret called an ill-judged in- 
flexibility. Her needlessly sharp-tongued way of speak- 
ing of the Emperor, the ' so-called Emperor,' the ' pre- 
tended head of the Empire,' might, as Carteret said, be 
very piquant ; yet its useless acrimony and severity 
tended to alienate from her the various members of the 
Empire. Her language to George himself, her one firm 
ally, was often very bitter and reproachful, little as it 
sliould have been so. All this very considerablj' in- 
creased the otherwise sufficient difficulties of the English 
Government. Frederick, too, had a word to say. He 
disliked the entrance of foreign troops into the Empire. 
But Carteret replied that his real object was to protect 
the Empire and to rid it of the French ; and he declined to 
allow any foreign power to prescribe the mode of action 
which England must adopt. Frederick soon softened 
his language, and declared that he would observe an 
exact ueutrahty. 

The preliminary difficulties were at length all over- 
come, and on March 1, 1743, the English troops, after 
so many weary months of waiting, began to leave their 
headquarters at Ghent, and marched slowly towards 
the Ehine. On March 5, in splendid weather, Stair was 
at Aix-la-Chapelle, while his men behind him were daily 
crossing the Meuse, 'in great health and great spirits,' 
he informed Carteret. ' With such troops one might 
modestly hope to do anything.' The 16,000 Hano- 
verians were with them ; Austrian reinforcements 
brought the total up to 40,000 men. In the rear, and 
not yet in actual union with the main body, were 6,000 
hired Hessians, and 6,000 extra Hanoverians whom 
George himself as Elector contributed. George also 
was soon in motion, eager to fight. As soon as possible 
after the rising of parliament, he and his son Cumber- 


land, accompanied by Carteret, left England for the 
Continent. While the King went on at once to Hanover, 
Carteret remained for a week at the Hague, once 
more discussing public affairs with the Dutch states- 
men, and endeavouring to infuse into their torpid lan- 
guor something of his o\\'n energy. He found a happy 
change among them since his last year's visit. Carteret 
expressly says that the great parhamentary majorities 
which had supported the English Government through- 
out the session had produced an excellent effect in 
Holland. People there had become fully convinced 
that England was really in earnest ; they adopted the 
conviction the more easily perhaps now that the 
enemies of Austria were in a generally unfortunate 
condition. The French had indeed got out of Prag ; 
but their interference in Germany had so far come to 
little more than nothing, while the new Emperor whom 
they had supported was receiving ruinous blows from 
Prince Charles and his victorious Austrians. In these 
happier circumstances, the Dutch, while Carteret was 
stiU at the Hague, at last named the commander for 
their contribution of 20,000 men. Carteret then at 
once made his way to Hanover. 

From Hanover, where he arrived at the end of Mav, 
Carteret instructed Stair to get together all his troops, 
English, Hanoverians, and Hessians, with the least 
possible loss of time. Stair had crossed the Ehine near 
Coblentz in the last days of April, and throughout ]May 
was encamped at Hoclist, between Frankfort and 
Mainz, waiting for the Hessians who were foUowinor 
him from the Netherlands. They had been difficult 
to get, for tliey were unwilling to fight against the 
Emperor, and they never proved of any service to 
the Enghsh in the campaign. "When June came, Stair 


waited no longer for them or for the King's own 6,000 
Hanoverians, but pushed on, probably himself wishing 
to make for Bavaria, and in union with Prince Charles 
to clear that neighbourhood of the French. Stair 
marched up the Mayn, reaching AschafFenberg in the 
middle of June ; but there he halted. On the other 
side of the river stood the French general Noailles, 
with some 60,000 men ; Stair numbered about 43,000, 
all told. But JSToailles would not be induced to fight. 
He hoped to weary out and starve his enemies, and in 
that way more efiectually beat them. Stair would have 
himself attacked Noailles, and so have compelled him 
to give battle ; but the Austrian general D'Ahremberg 
absolutely refused ; and thus for days the alhed army 
lay inactive at Aschaffenberg. It was during this 
period of inaction that the King, Cumberland, and 
Carteret arrived at headquarters. They found the 
army in a very critical condition. Stair and D'Ahrem- 
berg were not on cordial terms ; the English and 
Hanoverian troops did not get on well together. There 
were great sufferings among the soldiers, the commis- 
sariat department being in a state of very confused 
inefficiency. The men were beginning to throw off 
discipline ; robbing churches, plundering villages ; so 
that the frightened peasants left their homes, drove 
their cattle into the woods, and reduced the supply 
department to a worse condition than ever. The effi- 
cient force of the army was already lessened by some 
5,000 men. But the arrival of the King to some extent 
restored matters. Strict orders on matters of discipline 
•were read at the head of every regiment ; George 
himself, if always a little ludicrous on the military side, 
knew much better how to manage an army than to rule 
a kingdom. A letter of Carteret's gives a glimpse of 


things at Aschaffenberg in those days of waiting before 
the battle of Dettingen : — 

' We have forty or more deserters coming in every 
day from the French, but they are mostly hussars, Irish 
and Swiss, very few French, among them some Germans. 
The hussars have picked up some of our people, but 
the Marshal de XoaiUes has sent them back with much 
civility, and we have sent him some of his people, with 
the same pohteness. . . . His majesty is in perfect 
health and spirits ; is always booted, and rides out to 
several of the most material posts twice a day. The 
Duke [Cumberland] is very well and very active, and 
so are the Duke of Marlborough, Lord Albemarle, 
Lord Bury, and all your Grace's friends. I say nothing 
of myself, but my son is liked and does his part as a 
volunteer very weU. I make no doubt that aU will end 
with honour and for the good of our country. The 
Duke D'Ahremberg and Marshal Xeipperg are just gone 
from me (I can write nothing without interruption), so 
you must forgive any faults I make in writing. They 
tell me his majesty s orders for the good disciphne of 
the army have had already a very good effect, and that 
without it we should have been soon in confusion.' ^ 

After the King had been at Aschaffenberg aAveek, it 
was clear that the army could stay there no longer. 
The provision question proved impossible of solution 
there, and on June 26 George and the generals resolved 
to fall back down the river to Hanau, where the Mayn 
takes its direct bend to the left to find its way into the 
Ehine at Mainz. At Hanau Avere the magazines, and 
there too the advancing Hessians had been ordered to 
wait. From Aschaffenberg to Hanau, along the north 
bank of the river, is some sixteen English miles. Xearly 

' To Newcastle ; Add. MSS. 22,-0.30 ; fol. 7-3, 74. 

POWER 267 

midway between the two places, close on the Mayn, 
was the village of Dettingen, and, just beyond Dettingen, 
on the other side of the river, another small village, 
Seligenstadt, destined to be an important little place 
next day. The line of march was through a cramped 
valley, from which the army could not possibly turn 
aside ; for their left was bounded by the Mayn, and 
along the right stretched the woody hills of the Spes- 
sart-Wald. The conditions were evidently uncomfort- 
able ; but there was no remedy. Very silently, in the 
early hours of June 27, the allied army began its march. 
The King was with the English in the rear, for it was 
reckoned that the enemy's chief attack would be in 
that quarter. Noailles did indeed seize Aschaffenberg 
as soon as the Enghsh left it, but he had no desire to 
try any fighting there. He had formed a plan which 
seemingly could not fail. Observing that the allies 
meant to withdraw by way of Dettingen, he had, un- 
known to them, thrown two bridges across the Mayn at 
Sehgenstadt, and sent his nephew, the Duke of Gram- 
mont, over with a considerable force to secure the 
ground in front of the village. Crossing the road of the 
retreating army, just before they could gain the Dettin- 
gen hamlet, a brook came down from the Spessart-Wald 
to join the river, and so formed a ravine with rougli 
boggy land, difficult for orderly marching. Noailles 
intended that while the allies were confusedly struggling 
in this ravine and morass, and while the French batteries, 
which they could not avoid, were playing upon them from 
the other side of the river, Grammont should fall upon 
them in front, and in all human probability end the busi- 
ness. Noailles himself, by seizing Aschaffenberg, had shut 
out all chance of an escape in the rear ; he had his enemy 
in a trap, and considered the affair as good as ended. 


Undisturbed by Xoailles, the allies continued their 
march, without thought of any danger in store for them 
ahead. By eight o'clock in the morning their advanced 
parties had reached Dettingen, but not to enter the 
village. The unexpected sight of the French and of 
the bridges just beyond instantly revealed to them the 
real position of affairs, and they galloped back to the 
army with the surprising news. The army halted, for 
the post of honour now was not the rear but the van, 
and George must come to the front. So the EngHsh 
and Austrians waited, facing the boggy ravine, while 
behind it stood Grammont, expecting their approach 
with grim satisfaction. The allies had not even two 
plans to choose between ; they could do nothing biit 
make a desperate attempt to cut their way straight 
through, at whatever cost. Scientific mihtary arrange- 
ments in that narrow, cramped ground were next to 
impossible. The little that could be done in that 
direction was done, and the men were ready to advance ; 
when suddenly, in the early afternoon, a "wild mistake 
of the French changed all the chances of the engage- 
ment. Grammont, not restraining himself any longer, 
broke his uncle's orders, left his own strong Dettingen 
position, crossed the ravine, and attacked the enemy in 
a pcsition quite as good as Lis own. For a moment his 
mad impetuosity had a touch of success. The allies' 
left line broke before the onset of the French cavalr}'. 
But it recovered, and Grammont had no other even 
temporary satisfaction to excuse his rash and fatal folly. 
From two o'clock till six the battle lasted, and the 
French could make no impression anywhere. George 
himself led the infantry ; his horse ran away with him 
early in the action, and during the rest of the fighting he 
was on foot. ' Don't talk to me of danger ; I'll be even 

POWER 269 

with them.' Before the sohd mass of foot-soldiers the 
French could not stand ; they broke and hurriedly 
retreated. The retreat was turned into a flight. Some 
fled into the woods, many were drowned while trying 
to cross the river, many were cut down before they 
could reach the two bridges. The English were left in 
undisturbed possession of the field ; and their little 
King, full of martial enthusiasm, remained on the 
ground till ten o'clock at night, contentedly dining 
there on a cold shoulder of mutton. 

Carteret, as a civilian, had no personal share in the 
battle. He sat all through the hours of the engage- 
ment in his coach close to the field of action, and 
witnessed one of the ludicrous episodes of the day when 
the Archbishop of Mayence came up to his carriage 
window, and, in the height of the action, cried out to 
Carteret : ' Milord, je protests contre toute violence.' ^ 
That same night, from the Dettingen which he 
shared with the Austrian marshal Neipperg, Carteret 
Avrote home to Newcastle a short and hurried despatch 
announcing the victory. The graces of style of the 
polite letter-writer were, in such very confused cir- 
cumstances, hardly to be looked for ; and Carteret's 
letter, though it did all that was necessary in the way 
of accurate information, was in style abrupt and awk- 
ward enough. Small wits at home made very merry 
over what they reckoned as its defects. Lord Shelburne, 
surely with some exaggeration, notices it as a remark- 
able fact that neither Pitt nor Carteret could write an 
ordinary letter well. But no one was more willing to 
recognise the imperfections of this jerky, bulletin-like 
little niissi\-e than Carteret himself. What is unfortu- 
nately the one anecdote of Carlci'et in BosweU's book 

' Add. MSS, 11,2IJ2 ; fol. 13. 


tells how he exclaimed after writing his despatch : 
' Here is a letter expressed in terms not good enough 
for a tallow-chandler to have used.' Literary defects, 
however, counted for little in consideration of the news 
which tlie letter brought. The nation went wild with 
joy over its remarkable victory; illuminating the streets, 
lighting bonfires, firing guns. ' My Lord,' writes Horace 
"Walpole of his father, ' has been drinking the healths 
of Lord Stair and Lord Carteret; he says, since it is 
well done, he does not care by whom it was done. . . 
The mob are wild, and cry, Long hve King George, and 
the Duke of Cumberland, and Lord Stair, and Lord 
Carteret, and General Clayton that's dead !' More last- 
ing than the noisy enthusiasm of the people was Handel's 
thanksgiving music ; whose Dettingen Te Deum is pretty 
much all that is left of this once so famous victory. 

The allied army without loss of time safely made its 
way to its magazines at Hanau, where it was joined by 
the Hessians and the extra Hanoverians. Jealousies 
and recriminations between the English troops and their 
foreign allies were not few, and Stair in disgust re- 
signed and returned 'to his plough.' Many commu- 
nications and negotiations with the French commander 
Xoailles thus fell necessarily into Carteret's hands, 
and a jealous opposition at home asked : Is Carteret 
the new Commander-in-Chief, then .^ thinking there was 
considerable sprightliness in the question. The ' three 
Johns,' Argyle, Stair, and Carteret, offered a chance to 
scjme rather indifferent verse-monger : — 

Jolin, Duke of Argyle, we admired for a while, 

"Whose titles fell short of his merit ; 
His loPs to repair, we took John, Earl of Stair, 

Who, like him, had both virtue and merit. 

POWER 271 

Now he too is gone. AL. ! what's to be done ? 

Such losses how can we supply ? 
But let's not repine, on the banks of the Rhine 

There's a third John his fortune will trj'. 

By the Patriots' vagary, he was made Secretary, 
By himself he's Prime Minister made ; 

And now to crown all, he's become General, 
Though he ne'er was bred up to the trade. 

But Carteret liacl more serious arrangements than 
temporary military ones to make. The newlj' elected 
Emperor Avas now left without allies ; the French, who 
had set him up, were beaten and already making their 
way out of the Empire. It was pressingly essential for 
this puppet-Emperor to secure his speedy peace with 
England. He had been trying this by help of Prince 
AVilliam of Hesse, all through the year 1742. Between 
Carleret and the Prince there had been a copious corre- 
spondence ; more or less beseeching on the Prince's part, 
who dwelt earnestly on the admirable quahties of the 
Emperor, and begged English official commiseration for 
a sovereign in difficulties. But Carteret was always 
poHtely firm ; dead against an admirable Emperor who 
was closely bound to the French ; whose proposed plans 
of arrangement were mere ' visionary and impracticable 
schemes,' made, too, as the Enghsh Government dis- 
covered, in private concert with France. As nothing 
came of his very self-interested appeals, the Emperor 
next year went further. In June 1743, while George 
and Carteret were still at Hanover making ready to join 
the army. Prince "William of Hesse arrived there with a 
letter from the liead of the Empire. The Emperor 
offered to accept any terms of peace which England 
could procure him from "Vienna, if only they were com- 
patiljle with his honour and dignity. The appealino' 


vagueness of this letter was replied to by Carteret with 
no lack of clearness. He reported home to Xewcastle : — 
' When I had read it, I told him [Prince "William] 
plainly, that the King would never advise the Queen of 
Hungary to make the least cession of any part of her 
dominions to the Emperor ; and that no peace could be 
made between the Emperor and the Queen of Hungary 
without his Imperial Majesty's giving up all claims and 
pretensions to the Queen of Hungary's entire dominions ; 
that if his Imperial Majesty would immediately and 
publicly detach himself from France, we would endea- 
vour to do him the most good we could, provided it 
was not at the expense of the Queen of Hungary, who 
would not so much as sacrifice a village to him. . . . The 
Prince of Hesse then asked me whether the King would 
propose a cessation of arms between the Emperor and the 
Queen of Hungary. I answered him, Xo ; that the 
Queen of Hungary and her auxiliaries would push to 
tlie utmost aU their advantages ; that if we run risks, 
and fought battles and succeeded, we would make the 
most of them ; but yet we would rather avoid tliose 
extremities ; therefore I could answer for nothing but 
the security of his Imperial Majesty s person and liberty 
at Frankfort, when once he shall get there ; but if he 
should be intercepted in his journey thither by the 
Austrians, we could not be blamed. . . . The Prince of 
Hesse did not talk to me upon any other subject, and I 
did not give him any encouragement so to do, but am 
to see him to-morrow, when we shall talk upon diver- 
other things. He only told me ea pa^f^iint, that we had 
found the true way to deal with the CVjiirt of Berlin, and 
tliat the King of Prussia would observe an exact neu- 
trality. I told liim that we had no arts, but proceeded. 
Avith relation to liis Prussian majesty, as we would 

POWER 273 

towards all other German powers, with civility, courage, 
and truth ; that the King and his ministers knew no other 
pontics. I left him to dress to go and dine with the King.' 
This was three weeks before the battle of Uettingen. 
Carteret clearly let the Emperor understand that Eng- 
land would be no party to patching up a separate peace 
between himself and Maria Theresa so long as he clung 
to his alliance with the French. Tliis decision would 
not, as the Prince said to Carteret, be fort consolant to 
the Emperor ; but Carteret was firm, and nothing more 
could be got from him. Diplomacy now yielded to 
arms ; and if there was little consolation to an unfortu- 
nate Emperor in the limited promises of statesmanship, 
there was less by far in a surprising battle ofDettingen. 
Negotiations after that decisive event became there- 
fore more active than ever. The Emperor had safely 
reached Frankfort ; the English headquarters were at 
Hanau, where George remained for two months after 
the battle. Once more Prince William of Hesse ap- 
peared on the scene. Carteret received him with the 
sincere wish to secure a definite and friendly under- 
standing. 'Britannic Majesty is not himself very for- 
ward ; but Carteret, I rather judge, had taken up the 
notion ; and on his Majesty's and Carteret's part, there 
is actually the wish and attempt to pacificate theEeicli ; 
to do something tolerable for the poor Kaiser.' ^ On 
one preliminary condition, however, Carteret was de- 
cisively insistent. The Emperor must altogether and 
at once cut himself loose from the French. Charles 
Avas eager to recover his Bavaria from Maria ; eager 
also for money to tide him over his present ruinous 
circumstances. What might be done in these directions 
Carteret prudently declined to say ; Prince William 

1 Carljle's Freda-kk. Book XH'. Chap. V. 



could extract from him nothing but the promise that 
England would give all possible help to the Emperor 
as soon as he sincerely joined the aUies in driving the 
French out of Germany. With this reply Prince 
WiUiam returned on July 7, 1743, from Hanau 
to Frankfort. The two or three days immediately 
following produced several vague, general propositions 
from the Prince, which Carteret pohtely refused to 
entertain ; tiU the Emperor, considering that the French 
were already in fuU retreat, and knowing that his own 
circumstances could by delay become only worse in- 
stead of better, resolved to accept Carteret's prehminary. 
Precisely one week after the Prince had taken Carteret's 
reply to Frankfort, he informed Carteret that the Em- 
peror agreed ; that he would renounce all his preten- 
sions to Austrian dominions, and entirely quit the 
French aUiance. One week had brouglit matters so 
far. Frederick of Prussia approved ; he wrote from 
Berhn to Carteret, expressing his great esteem, and 
signing himself votre tres-affectionne ami, Fi'deric. Carte- 
ret himself, though not forgetful of the obstinacy of Maria 
Theresa, was fuUy hopeful of success. 'All Europe sees 
what a great scene this is, what a glorious figure his 
majesty makes,' he wrote to Newcastle. ' France has 
not been for a century under so great difficulties as 
at present, and if the Emperor, the Empire, and the 
States-General wiU heartily join with liis majesty, the 
Queen of Hungary, and the King of Sardiiiia, there is 
aU the probabihty and, I will venture to say, as much 
certainty as human affairs \vill admit of, to trust that, by 
the Ijlessing of Go'I. a safe, lasting, and general peace may 
be procured, not impossible in this very campaign.' 

Such were the plans and hopes of Ernijerors, Kings, 
and statesmen; all of them unfortunately forgetting 

POWER 275 

that in a high ofBcial position in Whitehall sat a 
ridiculous Duke of Newcastle. On July 1-3 the Prince 
went to Carteret, confident of getting the official signa- 
tures which would finish the affair ; but found himself 
quite disappointed. There was naoney involved in the 
treaty ; a monthly subsidy to be paid to the Emperor 
till his present very broken circumstances could be 
somewhat retrieved. George and Carteret had both to 
tell the anxious Prince that ministers in London must 
first be consulted before they could put their hands to 
that; that fifteen days must pass before a messenger 
could go and come. All Carteret's hopes and wishes 
were for the acceptance of the treaty ; he urged it 
upon his colleagues in London as the essential pre- 
liminary to the union of all Germany against the 
French. It was in vain. Why not make peace with 
France, and leave Germany alone altogether ? asked 
the ministers in England, and refused to have anything 
to do with the proposed arrangement. On August 1, 
1743, this reply reached Hanau, and Carteret had to 
let Prince William know that for the present the only 
result was failure. A ridiculous Duke of Newcastle 
had ruined the far-seeing plans of the statesman whose 
mastery of foreign affairs was known in every capital in 
Europe. A ridiculous Duke, who believed that Han- 
over was north of England, and probably thought that 
Dettingen was on the top of Cape Breton (which in 
later years he was so refreshed to discover was an 
island), had interfered with the statesmanship of the 
one English minister to whom the intricacies of German 
politics were no insoluble mystery. The peddling 
])edanticism of the most imbecile even of political 
Dukes, for whom politics ranged from potwallopers to 
Knights of the Garter and back again, had its way ; 

T 2 


and Carteret's high schemes for the pacification of the 
Empire and the defeat of French plans in Germany 
were forced to yield before the ignorant insularities of 
the Cockpit at Whitehall. There was, in addition, per- 
sonal abuse and misconception of himself involved in 
this failure — if Carteret had not been too proud to 
think or complain of that. The Emperor, Prince 
William of Hesse, Frederick of Prussia, all reckoned 
that the fault was Carteret's alone. Brochures were 
printed on the Continent dwelling painfully on the 
mystery and iniquity of the affair ; Prince William 
himself sent to the Hessian minister at the Hague a 
long indictment of Carteret and his treachery. ' Prince 
William's accusation of Lord Carteret makes a great 
noise here, and will, I hope, be duly refuted in England,' 
wrote Mr. Trevor, Enghsh minister at the Hague. ^ 
The Kings and kinglets of the Continent, imperfectly ac- 
quainted with the beautiful working of English party 
politics, could not understand how it was that when 
the English King and the English chief minister pro- 
fessed to desire a certain pohtical action they should 
yet be unable to realise their desires. Prince William 
professed to believe that Carteret had never consulted 
the Eegency in England at all, and that his account of 
the failure of the scheme was sheer falsehood. Even 
Frederick the Great, it is regretfully surmised,'^ felt 
convinced that it was all Carteret's trickery and 
treachery. Carteret bore it all, as well as the still 
more ignorant abuse which was awaiting him in 
England, in a very proud, uncomplaining way ; conscious 
how unjust it was, but having already lived in the 
thick of pohtics for thirty-two years. ' Carteret, for 

' Sept. 15, 1744. 

' By Carlyle ; the only historian who has thought it worth while to 

POWEB 277 

this Hanau business, had clangours enough to undergo, 
poor man, from Germans and from Enghsh ; which was 
wholly unjust. His trade, say the Enghsh — (or used 
to say, till they forgot their considerable Carteret alto- 
gether) — was that of rising in the world by feeding the 
mad German humours of little George ; a miserable 
trade ! Yes, my friends ; — but it was not quite Car- 
teret's, if you will please to examine ! ' ^ 

Carteret's high plan of reconcihng the Emperor and 
Maria Theresa, and of so uniting all Germany against 
the French, thus went to ruin, and no more negotiating 
at Hanau was possible. In these circumstances the 
English camp there was struck, and at the end of 
August the King and Carteret arrived at Worms. For 
there was still one more diplomatic effort to make, 
hardly of an easier, though of a much more modest 
kind than the Hanau one. Since all Germany could 
not be got to work unitedly against the French, it 
remained to bind together as closely as possible such 
anti-French powers as there were. Outside England, 
which always furnished the necessary supplies, Maria 
Theresa's chief ally was the King of Sardinia. While 
Germany had been busy with Silesian wars, sieges of 
Prag, battles of Dettingen, there had been much intri- 
cate and heavy fighting on the south side of the Alps ; 
France and Spain together doing all the hurt they could 
to Austria in her Italian possessions. In this southern 
business Maria Theresa's chief support was Charles 

understand and appreciate Carteret ; a great distinction for Carteret. Car- 
lyle regrets that on this matter of the Hanau Treaty Frederick tooli up such 
a misconception of Carteret. Freda-ick, Book XIV. Chap. V. According to 
the Marchmont Papers, however, Andrie, Prus.><ian Minister to England, was 
convinced, by Carteret himself, how the truth really lay, and wrote to 
Frederick accordingly. Morchmont Papers, I. 48. 
1 Carlyle's Frederick, Book. XIV. Chap. V. 


Emanuel, King of Sardinia ; but for him this alliance 
was rapidly losing all its charm. The original agree- 
ment between the two sovereigns was of a very vague 
character, and left Charles Emanuel at full liberty to 
side with the Bourbons if Austria failed to satisfy his re- 
quirements. To get rid of this provisional state of things, 
and definitely bind the King and the Queen together, 
had been one of Carteret's earliest desires. In May 
1742, three months after he had come into power, he 
urged this policy on the Vienna Court. To Austrian 
afi'airs in Italy the Sardinian King's friendship was 
clearly indispensable ; while on the other hand Charles 
Emanuel stood in danger of possible Bourbon resent- 
ment, and was being tempted by actual Bourbon offers. 
Carteret earnestly pressed Maria Theresa to secure him 
at once by yielding him the moderate terms he re- 
quired ; and promised that the English King would 
cheerfully send a fleet to the Mediterranean, even alone, 
if the Dutch refused to join. Robinson, however, found 
it very hard work at Vienna. The Court was suspicious 
of England, and angry that EngUsh fighting help was 
so very slow in coming ; though what could George in 
his then checkmated condition do ? Austria also was 
just about to make her cession of Silesia to Frederick, 
and gloomily asked if her next proceeding was to be a 
cession to Sardinia. Better yield a trifle of Lombardy 
than lose all you have in Italy, was Carteret's reply ; 
and Maria Theresa reluctantly found herself compelled 
to agree. Her promise was given, and Charles 
Emanuel honestly and successfully fought for his ally ; 
but was gradually worked into an irritated, threatening 
condition as the time passed by, and there came no 
sign that the promise was meant to be kept. Carteret 
was very anxious; he feared that Sardinia, treated with 

POWER 27!) 

this shabby ingratitude, must yield to Bourbon temp- 
tations. To Carteret's relief, Sardinia appealed to 
George, and offered to leave the decision of the case 
Avith England. If George refused, Charles Emanuel 
Avould at once go over to France ; but he expressed full 
confidence in Enghsh intervention. Carteret Avas much 
relieved. ' I own,' he wrote from Hanover in the 
weeks before the battle of Dettingen, ' I was very 
anxious about it, from several intelhgences that I had ; 
but I think this letter under his own hand, at this time, 
and in so explicit a manner, may set us at rest if we 
make a good use of it, which shall not be neglected. 
And hereafter, when these things may become public, 
several ingenious persons at home, who say our 
measures have been mad, will see that one of the 
prudentest and wisest Princes in Europe has not 
thought so, and will risk his whole upon them.'^ 

' Which shall not be neglected,' wrote Carteret ; nor 
did he neglect it. Austria, of course, was difficult to 
manage ; the square mileage of Robinson's despatches 
Avas largely increased by this business. But Austria, if 
only in self-protection, had to agree ; and the Treaty 
of Worms, signed on September 13, 1743, definitely 
secured Sardinia to the right side. George luidertook 
to keep a strong squadron in the Mediterranean as long 
as it might be needed there, and to pay a large yearly 
subsidy to Charles Emanuel; Maria Theresa unreservedly 
promised him the small portions of territory which he 
required ; and he, in return for all this, rejected all 
Bourbon temptations and ranged his 15,000 men on the 
side of Austria. Thus, if there should be another cam- 
paign, Carteret had secured one important preparation 
for it ; 45,000 men fighting /c)r instead of cujainst made 

' Carteret to Newcastle; June 6, 1743. Add MSS. 22,536; fol. 50, 60. 


a weighty difference of 90,000 men. With this Treaty 
of Worms Newcastle and the Eegency at home did 
not interfere. They approved of it and ratified it ; 
for which complaisance Carteret was no doubt grimly 
grateful to them. 

The differences between Carteret and the Pelhams 
on questions of foreign pohtics were not a cause but 
only a symptom of the dissatisfaction which had from 
the very first existed between the two sections of the 
Cabinet. The want of cordiality between Walpole's 
old colleagues and AValpole's old opponents became 
mere jealous disgust on the part of Xewcastle, Pelham, 
and Hardwicke, when they discovered that Carteret, 
nominally Secretary of State, was practically himself 
the Government. They were Carteret's colleagues ; 
that did not hinder them from working and conspiring 
against him. To weaken Carteret's influence, to get 
rid of him altogether from the Government which he 
led in spite of them, became the supreme object of tliese 
very feeble political personages, who fancied that the 
Government of England was Ijy nature their monopoly, 
and that men of genius had nothing whatever to do 
with it. A special incident about this time happened to 
help them. A few days after the battle of Dettingen, 
Wilmington, Prime Minister and prime mediocrity, had 
died. Carteret hoped that Bath might succeed him ; the 
Pelhams wished and hoped otherwise. Bath had de- 
chned to make any application for the post before it was 
actually vacant ; but Henry Pelham, urged on Ijy Orford, 
showed no such dehcaey ; perhaps with excusable in- 
ability to discover any difference between Wilmington 
alive and Wilmington dead. Bath, too, applied when 
Wilmington was no longer even a political cypher, 
and his letter was sent to Carteret at Hanover. Each 

POWER 281 

applicant felt considerable difficulties in his way, and 
neither could make sure of success. Bath -was unpopu- 
lar with the King, unpopular everywhere. ' My Lady 
Townshend said an admirable thing the other day,' 
writes Horace Walpole. ' He [Bath] was' complaining 
much of a pain in his side. " Oh ! " said she, " that can't 
be ; you have no siJe ; " ' such the brilliancy of political 
ladies. Pelham, on the other hand, knew that Carte- 
ret's wish in this matter was against him, and began 
to think it hopeless to struggle against Carteret's desire, 
or perhaps even to be afraid of success gained in 
such circumstances. The much robuster Orford had 
to encourage his friend. If the King should after all 
prefer Pelham, Carteret, wrote Orford, would never 
l)reak with Pelham for that. 'But riianet nltd mentc 
rcpostiun,' added the old minister, warningly ; remem- 
bering what had been his own conduct in regard to all 
political appointments, and thinking that Carteret in 
that department was such another as himself. Ko 
better proof of the contrary could have been desired 
than Carteret's letter announcint;- that the Kino's choice 
had fallen on Pelham. Carteret wrote from Mainz, to 
which town the King and he had now got, on their road 
homewards to England ; and after stating frankly that 
he himself would have preferred the appointment of 
Bath, and that he had placed that proposal before the 
King, lie continued : — 

' You see I state the affair very truly and naturally 
to you, and what could anybody, in my circumstances, 
do otherwise? If I had not stood by Lord Bath, who 
can ever value my friendship P And you must have 
despised me. However, as the affair is decided in your 
favour by his majesty, I wish you joy of it ; and I will 
endeavour to support you as much as I can, having 


really a most cordial affection for your brother and you, 
which nothing can dissolve but yourselves ; which I 
don't apprehend will be the case. I have no jealousies 
of either of you, and I believe that you love me ; but if 
you will have jealousies of me without foundation, it 
will disgust me to such a degree, that I shall not be 
able to bear it ; and as I mean to cement a union with 
you, I speak thus frankly. His majesty certainly makes 
a very great figure, and the reputation of our country 
is at the highest pitch ; and it would be a deplorable 
fatality if disputes at home should spoil all the great 
work.' ^ 

This was certainly a straightforward letter ; Xew- 
castle himself, in a private note to Lord Chancellor 
Hardwicke, confessed that it was a manly one. To 
Newcastle also, on the same date, Carteret wrote a 
kindly note, in reply to the fussy querulousness of the 
Duke, who fancied himself neglected if every mail did 
not bring from Carteret confidential letters as well as 
ofiicial despatches. Carteret did his best to soothe him. 
The business connected with the army and with the 
negotiations had been great ; the King had been ill ; 
Carteret himself had been ' so ill, that I thought I 
should not be able to hold out.' The interesting part 
of the letter is its close : — 

' As to complaints upon want of concert, while the 
King is on this side the water, and at the head of an 
army, I don't look upon them as serious ; and therefore, 
tliough my friends tell me so, I shall not force the 
nature of things. But, as I have courage enough, God 
be thanked, to risk, in a good cause, my natural hfe, I 
am much less sohcitous about my poHtical life, which is 
all my enemies can take from me ; and if they do, it 

' Carteret to Pelham, Aug^ust 27, 1743. C'oxe's Pelham, 1. 8-!), 86. 

POWER 283 

will be the first instance in which they hurt me ; though 
I must own that my friends have been near ruining me 
at various times ; of which I shall take care for the 
future, being past fifty-three.' ^ 

Pelham thus became nominal Prime Minister ; much 
to the satisfaction of Orford and the angry disgust of 
Bath. But Pelham at once found his position a very 
difficult one. His main desire was to free himself from 
Carteret ; and then, by reconstructing the Government, 
to revert as far as possible to the old lines of Walpole's 
policy. He had no intention whatever of accepting 
Carteret's frank proposals for harmonious co-operation. 
Consequently a struggle between Carteret and Pelham 
was inevitable. ' If you offer any schemes without a 
concert with him,' wrote Orford to Pelham, ' that will 
be jealousy with a witness ; and that, he has told you, 
he will not bear.' But that is just what the Pelhams 
were resolved to do. Newcastle, never so much in his 
element as when plotting against a colleague, was already 
busily scheming with Orford how to drive Carteret fi'om 
the Government. In the same letter in which he ac- 
knowledges that Carteret had written to him in an 
' open, friendly manner,' the Duke speculates what he 
and his brother shall do with him when he returns. 
Newcastle even drew up in writing a memorial against 
Carteret and his policy, practically asking for his dis- 
missal ; and it required Pelham's stronger sense and 
caution to persuade his brother not to present this 
paper to the King. For Pelham and Orford clearly 
saw that Carteret's chief support was his great personal 
and pohtical influence with the King ; any crude attempt 
to injure him in that quarter would only be likely to 
irritate George, and to do Carteret more good than 

1 Coxe's Pelham, I. 87, 88. 


harm. To get rid of Carteret by personal complaints 
to the King, and by argumentative expostulations on 
the minister's influence or pohcy, seemed simply hope- 
less. The slower but probably sure way of success 
remained : by promises, intrigues, and plots, to weaken 
their own colleague's position in parhament, and so 
make his long continuance in power impracticable. To 
gain over every discontented AVhig, and rally them all 
against the man who was a truer AVhig than any of 
them, was Orford's reiterated advice to Pelham. This, 
backed by the anti-Hanoverian cursing and groaning of 
the Tories and Jacobites, and by endless repetition of the 
miserable falsehood that Carteret's foreign policy rested 
on his desire to gain the King's personal favour, might 
be expected to do what was wanted without very much 
loss of time. 

While these underground arrangements were busily 
proceeding, Carteret was on his way home, taking the 
Hague on his route, and coming to the conclusion that 
Dutch abihty to give good help against the French was 
not nearly so much wanting as Dutch will. On Xovember 
26, 1743, George and the Duke of Cumberland arrived 
in London, Carteret following them a day later ; and 
mth the grand ball which in the next week took place 
at St. James's in honour of the King's birthday (where 
the Duke, fairly recovered from his Dettingen wound, 
danced with much devotion, and indeed was reckoned 
not to limp nearly so much as CoUey Cibber's birthday 
verses), the new London pohtical season fairly began. 
A most confused season it seemed likely to be. ' All is 
distraction,' wrote Horace Walpole ; ' no union in the 
Court, no certainty about the House of Commons : Lord 
Carteret making no friends, the King making enemies : 
Mr Pelham in vain courting Pitt, etc. ; Pulteney unre- 

POWEB 285 

solved. How will it eud ? ' It began with a Babel of 
parliamentary abuse directed against Carteret. Jacob- 
ites, Tories, discontented Whigs, hopelessly discordant 
on almost every other matter, on this displayed an easy 
unanimity. Chesterfield had the first opportunity. He 
chose to represent the royal speech which on December 1 
opened the session as particularly the speech of ' the 
minister,' and as a sign of a disunited Cabinet ; an un- 
fortunate charge, for the document was the composition 
of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke.^ The main drift of 
Chesterfield's speech, that England should leave Ger- 
many absolutely alone and confine herself to her war 
against Spain, was, as an abstract proposition, perfectly 
reasonable ; as a contribution to the practical pohtics 
of the day it was useless ; for England could only leave 
Germany severely alone if France would do the same ; 
which evidently France would not. Hanover, of course, 
under veiled insinuations, was not forgotten by Chester- 
field ; few political speeches of those days are free from 
that most wearisome of topics. Hanover and abuse of 
Carteret, that practically was Chesterfield's speech ; 
though for formality's sake he insisted that the Lords 
should inquire particularly into every step of the war 
and the negotiations, ' the Green Bag itself upon your 
table,' a parliamentary proceeding of frightful solemnity. 
Carteret's reply was triumphant. ' Easy and animated,' 
Walpole's panegyrist Coxe calls it ; Yorke notes that 
Carteret ' spoke with great confidence and spirit, and 
was reckoned to get the better of Lord Chesterfield.' 
He had, indeed, an accomplished success to point to. 

' Hardwicke's son, the Hon. Philip Yorke, expressly says so. Yorke, 
who often attended the debates in the Lords, and was himself anM.P.,' 
kept a MS. parliamentary journal from Dec. 174:"! to April 1745. It is printed 
in ^'ol. XIII. of the Parliamentary History, and is, while it lasts, the heat 


It was liis fixed policy to check tlie Frencli and their 
designs on Germany, and there was not now a French 
soldier in the Empire. As the first work of his ministry, 
Maria Theresa had been reconciled with Frederick, and 
that first great success had been followed up by the 
actual co-operation of the Dutch with England, by the 
decisive defeat of France in Germany, and by the suc- 
cessful agreement between Austria and Sardinia. Con- 
tinue vigorously what has so successfully been begun, 
Avas the urgent drift of Carteret's speech ; while from 
the personal point of view he would, he said himself, be 
the very first to press for a minute inquiry into all that 
had occurred. Ko second speaker ventured to carry 
on the attack which Chesterfield had opened, and the 
honours of the debate distinctly remained with Carteret. 
The discussion on this same occasion in the House 
of Commons was not limited to a parliamentary duel. 
Pelham, the leader of the House, was not present; his 
seat had been vacated by liis new official appointment, 
and he had not yet been re-elected. But Dodington 
and Lyttelton and Grenville were there to attack 
Carteret ; Winnington, Fox, and Sandys to defend him ; 
the two sides striving with each other to endless lengths 
on the battle of Dettingen, the Treaty of "Worms, and 
above all on Hanover. What Dodington or Sandys had 
to say on these most exciting topics is now indifferent 
to every one ; but Pitt also was there, and especially 
concerned himself with Carteret. This occasion prac- 
tically opened Pitt's period of violent invective against 
Carteret ; a period which lasted till Pitt himself got into 
office, when his tone changed. In his violent way Pitt 
now styled Carteret ' an execrable, a sole minister, who 
had renounced the British nation, and seemed to have 
drunk of the potion descriljcd in poetic fictions, which 

POWER 287 

made men forget their country.' ^ Carteret did not fail 
to find defenders against this excited rhetoric. ' His 
integrity and love to his country,' said the Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, ' were equal to his abilities, which 
were acknowledged by the whole world.' Pitt's unpar- 
liamentary violence could not pass without rebuke, but 
he did not allow himself to be checked, and soon ex- 
ceeded the abusiveness of this first outburst. It was all 
in the game of party politics ; Pitt himself had not yet 
held any responsible office ; his eloquence was impas- 
sioned and reckless, and he himself was reckless and im- 
passioned in the use of it. Pox always spoke to the 
question, Pitt to the passions, said Horace Walpole. 
Pitt's political career, from its commencement onwards 
till the outbreak of the Seven Years' War, has nothing 
specially noticeable about it, unless heated party spirit 
and passionate eloquence are so ; though after that date 
it was noteworthy as few others are. Till the year 
1756 Pitt was a free lance, fighting for his own hand ; 
and he never used his chartered liberty more extrava- 
gantly than in the session which followed the battle of 
Dettingen. What Yorke said of his conduct in one of 
these debates does equally well for his tactics in them 
all : ' Mr. Pitt spoke rather to raise the passions than 
convince the judgments of his hearers, which he is too 
apt to do, though in that way I never heard anybody 
finer.' Pitt found his second opportunity wlien parlia- 
ment debated if England should keep the Hanoverian 
troops in its pay for the campaign of 1744. The oppo- 
sition insisted that England should not, and repeated 
various vague, unauthenticated rumours of disagree- 
ments between the English and Hanoverian soldiers, 
on the truth or falsehood of which the opposition and 

' Yorke's Parliameutary ^IS. 


the military members wrangled at great length. Officers 
who had been in the camp and at the battle contradicted 
the vague stories which had been so eagerly credited for 
party reasons ; and tlie proposal to dismiss 22,000 men 
in the middle of a war was too absurd to be successful. 
But it served Pitt's turn well enough. ' His ]\Iaj esty,' 
said he, ' yet stands on the firm ground of his people's 
afiections, though on the brink of a precipice ; it is the 
duty of parliament to snatch him from the gulf where 
an infamous minister has placed him, and not throw 
paltry flowers on the edge of it, to conceal the danger. 
It may be a rough, but it is a friendly hand which is 
stretched out to remove him.' To call Carteret an 
' infamous minister ' Avas not sufficiently abusive for 
Pitt ; he became so violent and personal that it was 
necessary to call him to order. He continued his 
charge- with but little abatement, and ended Ijy rhetori- 
callv declaring that the ' great person ' (the parha- 
mentary expression for the smaU person who was King) 
was hemmed in by German officers and by one Enghsh 
minister without an English heart. 

The same question was brought before the House of 
Lord; by Sandwich, whose speech had Pitt'; bitterness 
without the ability. His motion ventured to assert 
that faithful Englishmen 'at home, and the Enghsh 
forces abroad, were fiUed with heart-burnings and 
jealousies at the conduct and favoured treatment of 
their Hanoverian allies. Saudwicli wearisomely reca- 
pitulated the weU-worn charges : how a considerable 
bodv of Hanoverian troops had refused to obey Stair's 
orders during the battle ; how a Hanoverian officer had 
refused to obey him after it ; and so on through all the 
wearisome catalogue, every item of accusation being 
absurdly untrue, with the exception of one smaU inci- 

POWEB 289 

dent which had resulted shnply from a misunderstand- 
ing and had been explained entirely to Stair's satisfac- 
tion. Carteret, not wishing to let the debate continue, 
as it had begun, on a false issue, rose at once and 
plainly declared that the stories and rumours which had 
been repeated by Sandwich were false. In spite of this, 
Chesterfield continued the tale which Sandwich had 
begun, and lamented that the joy with which the army 
had received its victory had been damped by the dis- 
contents and jealousies which had followed it. Yorke 
has unkindly but particularly preserved one of Chester- 
field's sentences. ' My lords,' said he, speaking of the 
English soldiers, ' the triumphal laurels yet green upon 
their brows were soon overshadowed by the gloomy 
cypress.' Chesterfield passed from these distressing 
botanical details to dwell on what he reckoned mili- 
tary defects during and after the battle ; a quite 
fair subject for opposition attack, but not one which in 
any way touched Carteret personally, who was not a 
soldier, and had no responsibility for military arrange- 
ments. Perhaps for that very reason, Carteret's reply, 
which had mainly to concern itself with a defence of 
the operations of the campaign, was not reckoned to be 
one of his finest performances, but rhetorical rather and 
exaggerated ; but when Carteret left the military side 
for his own sure ground of statesmanship he was him- 
self again. ' The finest stroke in his speech was his 
appeal, not to the people of England who had reaped 
the benefit of the King's Avise counsels and vigorous 
measures, but to those who had received detriment 
li'om them — France and Spain ; that thought he worked 
up like an orator.' ^ But France and Spain would not 

' Yorke's Parliameutary MS. 



These first two debates were closely followed by 
many others which were little more than variations on 
the same theme. Sandwich on one of these occasions 
declared that he would bring this subject of Hanover 
before the House of Lords in as many different shapes 
as Proteus could assume ; and that is really what the 
opposition did. It was in vain for the Government to 
defeat its enemies and fancy the thing was ended ; the 
discomfited opposition easily wriggled out of the Govern- 
ment's grasp, and instantly appeared again in an irritat- 
ing novelty of form. And the opposition could not, in 
any of its Protean disguises, refrain from attacking 
Carteret. When the House of Commons had decided 
that the Hanoverian troops should be continued in 
British pay, the faction of defeated discontent ventured 
to demand that England should not continue the war 
unless she was immediately joined by the Dutch. Pitt 
was not very zealous to push opposition so far as this, 
though he supported the proposal in a half-hearted 
way ; but he was far from being half-hearted in the 
language of his personal attack. He styled Carteret 
a ' desperate rhodomontading minister,' and solemnly 
asserted that for the last six montlis the little finger of 
one man had lain more heavily upon the nation than 
the loins of an administration which had existed for 
twenty years. Bubb Dodington, whose name is syn- 
onymous with political infamy, declared that Carteret 
was endeavouring to make himself despotic with the 
Xing, and the King despotic with the country. The 
opposition was easily delivered to defeat and ridicule 
over its senseless proposal to make EngUsh action 
dependent on what it might please the Dutch to do ; but 
stiU the infatuated attacks were continued. Pitt declined 
to aid the more headlong spirits who wished, by refusing 

POWEB 291 

supplies for the British troops in Flanders, to make a 
campaign in 1744 impossible ; but he amply made up 
for this reticence by his violence against the renewed 
English payment of the Hanoverian soldiers. The 
opposition had made artful use of this unpopular pro- 
posal, and knew that everything Hanoverian excited 
passionate feeling in the country. Carteret had already 
received a threatening letter from ' Wat Tyler,' to tell 
him that three hundred men had sworn to tear him limb 
from limb if he should propose to continue the Hano- 
verian troops in British pay. With one exception, the 
ministry wavered, frightened by the noisy outcry ; but 
the exception was an important one, for it was Carteret 
himself. All but Carteret despaired of success. The 
others would have dropped the measure ; but that was 
not Carteret's way. He received, too, effective aid from 
one who for twenty years back had met him with nothing 
but opposition. Orford, who had now little more than 
a year to live, left his retreat at Houghton, and warmly 
urged his friends in London to assist the Government on 
tliis point. It was not from any love to Carteret ; but 
rather from statesmanlike feehng and personal regard 
for the King whom he had served so long. His help was 
undoubtedly effective ; his son, Horace, in his exagger- 
ating way, writes that but for Lord Orford the Hanover- 
ian troops would have been lost. Horace himself spoke 
in favour of the Government, and gained much approval 
for his elegant eloquence. But the dainty phrases of this 
amateur dabbler in politics were followed by work of a 
much rougher kind. One member openly attacked the 
King by name, and threw the House into such confusion 
that it was compared to nothing better than a tumultu- 
ous Polish Diet. Pitt spoke to the passions ; above all, 
to the personal passions. He very adroitly flattered the 

u 2 


Pelhams, whom it pleased him to call the ' amiable ' 
part of the administration ; against the odious part he 
exhausted abusive invective. Carteret was the ' Hano- 
ver troop minister, a flagitious task-master '; the 16,000 
Hanoverian soldiers were his placemen and the only- 
party he had. Pitt wished that Carteret sat in the 
House of Commons, that he might give him more of 
his angry eloquence. ' But I have done ; if he were 
present, I would say ten times more.'^ On the second 
day of the debate, Pitt abandoned the vocabulary of 
insult for a picturesque despair ; and said, as if he really 
believed it, that to pay the Hanoverian soldiers would 
be to erect a triumphal arch to Hanover over the mili- 
tary honour and independence of Great Britain. But 
common-sense got the better of party passion. To dis- 
miss 22,000 men without knowing how to replace them 
was too absurd ; to have refused from Hanover a benefit 
which would ha^'e been gladly accepted from any other 
quarter would have been the triumph of pettish sense- 
lessness. The Government majority was large ; yet 
Proteus only took another shape. 

But in the midst of all this angry rhetoric, there 
came an alarm which for the moment quieted party 
faction. "While Chesterfield was sneeringly lamenting 
that the Crown of three Kingdoms was shrivelled 
beneath an Electoral cap, and, in his exquisitely refined 
way, was declaring that Carteret, by laying the Treaty 
of Worms before parliament, had at last ' voided his 
worms ' ; - while Pitt was violently perorating on the 
minister's ' audacious hand,' and dimly hinting at an 
impeachment ; and wjiile Carteret, fearlessly defending 

1 PI. Walpole to Mann, Jan. 24, 1744. 

^ This is in Yorke's .Ji,tirnal ■ but the Parliamentary History ii too polite 
to publish it. It i=ia Aid. MSS. Ii.lO^ ; fol. ijiJ, v°. 

POWEB 293 

his own policy, was asserting that discontents had been 
roused by wicked and groundless misrepresentations, 
news came to London that France and the Young Pre- 
tender together Avere about to attempt a descent on the 
English coast. 

Not very much in the military way had been done 
after the battle of Dettingen. Louis XV., his enter- 
prises having so thoroughly failed, withdrew his troops 
from Germany, and in little more than a month after 
the battle was applying to the Diet at Frankfort for a 
restoration of peace. The Queen of Hungary's response 
was very high and scornful. Compensation for her lost 
Silesia was with her a fixed idea ; why should not the 
compensation come from France, if it Avere impossible 
to get it from other quarters ? While George was rest- 
ing at Hanau, and Carteret was planning treaties for 
Newcastle to ruin, the King and the minister were 
visited by Maria's brother-in-law Prince Charles and 
the Austrian General Khevenhiiller, full of schemes and 
proposals for following up the victory and invading 
France itself. In August 1743 it was rumoured every- 
where in London that at a grand Hanau entertainment, at 
which Prince Charles was present, Carteret had proposed 
as a toast, Dunlirl\ Lorraine, and Al-^ace. But nothing 
came of all these hopes and plans, that year. The 
English army went into winter quarters in the Nether- 
lands ; and though Prince Charles tried in various 
places to make his way across the frontier into Alsace, 
he never could. He too went home in October 1743, 
and nothing remained settled but that the fighting 
must begin again next season. 

France, seeing the haughty way in which her pro- 
posals had been rejected, quite gave up the peace view, 
and made great preparations for the new campaign. 


The French plans seemed especially to threaten the 
frontier towards the Netherlands ; and Carteret, who 
had lost no courage under the unscrupulous attacks of 
political enemies, remained true to his undeviating line 
of foreign policy. On December 30 he wrote to the 
English minister at the Hague : — 

' The first plan of France was, under pretence of 
sustaining the Elector of Bavaria, to ruin the House of 
Austria. To come at that, they were willing to forfeit 
their faith and reputation. They have received a check 
in that design, have squandered immense sums ineffectu- 
ally, and lost whole armies in the prosecution of it. 
These disappointments tliey impute to his majesty and 
the States, and there is no doubt but they meditate the 
seT.ere:<t revenge, and will not fail to take it, if we have 
not, under the blessing of God, recourse to the forces 
He has given us for our security, and for reducing that 
ambitious power within its true bounds.' 

Carteret therefore urged Holland, for its own sake, 
to put an end to parsimony and pusillanimity, and to 
join heartily with England in a determination to convince 
France ' that we are not to be terrified into any base 
submission to her will, but that, as our only object is a 
fair and honourable peace, we are not afraid of con- 
tending for it by a just and vigorous war.' 

So far, neither France nor England had been a 
principal in this war. England was only the ally of 
Austria ; France, the ally of Bavaria. But the whole 
tendency of things had nece-sarily been drawing the 
two powers into direct personal antagonism ; and the 
action of France in the first weeks of 1744 was the 
prelude to the open declaration of war. In January, 
Creorge was informed that the Old Pretender's son had 
left Eorae for Paris, under pretence of sharing in a 

POWEB 295 

hunting-party. It was known that France had been 
equipping a fleet at Brest ; it was rumoured that tlie 
Young Pretender was about to join it. The excitement 
in London was considerable ; the ministry met frequently ; 
officers everywhere were ordered to their posts. In 
February the Brest squadron sailed ; some twenty men- 
of-war, followed soon by four others. They entered the 
Channel on February 14, and reached Dungeness early 
in March, anchoring there while Comte de Saxe Avas 
busily putting 15,000 men on board transports at Dun- 
kirk. Timid persons feared the French might quickly 
push up the river as the Dutch had done in 1667, and 
march direct on London. But Admiral Norris, Avith a 
larger fleet than the French one, sailed round the South 
Foreland to meet them. On March 5 Norris, off Folke- 
stone, was in sight of the enemy at Dungeness ; the 
Kentish cliffs were crowded with gazing watchers eager 
to see the engagement. Fortunately or otherwise, they 
were disappointed. That same evening a storm began, 
raging all through the night ; and the planned invasion 
Avas ruined without any fighting whatever. The French 
fleet was driven from its Dungeness anchorage, leaving 
anchors and cables behind it ; Saxe's transports never 
ventured out of Dunkirk roads. 

Declaration of war by France against England soon 
followed this abortive attempt ; the French manifesto 
being characterised by Carteret as ' an insolent and im- 
pudent production, which contains, with regard to the 
views and conduct of France, a barefaced mockery and 
imposition upon the common-sense of mankind, and, with 
regard to those of his majesty, is full of misrepresenta- 
tions and falsehoods.' England replied with a counter- 
declaration. Stair, forgetting old grievances, had al- 
ready left his 'plough,' and, Avith much royal apprecia- 


tion of his loyalty, had become Commander of the troops 
at home. The English army in Flanders was recruited ; 
the Dutch troops, due by treaty to England in case 
of an invasion, began to arrive in the river. George 
sacrificed his usual visit to Hanover ; the parliament 
did what Avas necessary in the way of supplies ; and Car- 
teret, who was suffering from the universal malady of 
eighteenth-century statesmen, had lost nothing of his 
cheerfulness through illness. ' I have neither speech 
nor motion,' he wrote to Lord Chancellor Hardwicke 
on the day after the English declaration of war, 'leaving 
what I had with Lord Bath. My gout is not gone off, 
but I am in good spirits.' ^ 

' I am in good spirits.' This was only another way 
of saying : ' I am Lord Carteret.' But Carteret's good 
spirits did not rest upon a false feehng of security, or 
upon any ignorance of the circumstances which were 
personally threatening him Carteret knew perfectly 
well that his position as a minister was at this time pre- 
carious. The imperfect cohesion of the mixed Govern- 
ment which had succeeded AValpole's had been a cause 
of difficulty and weakness from the very first ; in 1744 
the spht had become too wide to be bridged over. 
AYhile England and France were declaring war against 
each other, the members of the English Cabinet were 
declaring war among themselves. Newcastle, one of 
whose detestable pecuharities was to treat all political 
differences from the personal point of view (declining 
private intercourse even with his brother when they 
were not wholly agreed on political action), could not at 
this time meet Carteret at dinner. The Duke D'Ahrem- 
berg was in London in ]\Iarc]i ; but Carteret could not 
go to the entertainments which the Pelhams gave him. 

1 Han-is' Hardidcke, II. 05. April 12, 1744. 

POWEB 297 

It was impossible to be blind to the real meaning of all 
this. Government on such conditions could not last. 
Carteret, who had a way of putting his meaning into 
words too plain to be mistaken, told the brothers that 
they might take the Government themselves if they 
pleased ; but that if they either could not or would not, 
he himself would take it. ' There is anarchy,' he said 
to them, ' in Holland, and anarchy at home. The first 
may be removed by a Stadt-holder ; but to remove the 
latter things must be brought to an immediate decision.' 
A letter from Newcastle to Hardwicke shows how 
plainly Carteret spoke, and how irreconcilable the 
difference was : — 

' I had a very extraordinary conversation with my 
Lord Carteret, going with him yesterday to Kensington ; 
which, with the late incidents that have passed between 
us, produced a more extraordinary declaration from 
him to my brother and me last night. He said, that if 
my Lord Harrington had not been gone, he intended to 
have spoke very fully to us ; that he would do it when 
your Lordship, Lord Harrington, and we should be 
together ; that things could not remain as they were ; 
that they must be brought to some precision ; he would 
not be brought down to be overruled and outvoted 
upon every point by four to one ; if we would take the 
Government upon us, we might ; but if we could not or 
would not undertake it, there must be some direction, 
and he would do it. Much was said upon what had 
passed last year, upon the probability of the King's going 
abroad, etc. Everything passed coolly and civilly, but 
pretty resolutely, upon both sides. At last he seemed 
to return to his usual profession and submission. 

' Upon this, my brother and I thought it absolutely 
necessary that we should immediately determine 


amongst ourselves what party to take ; and he has 
therefore desired me to see your Lordship, and talk it 
over with you in the course of this day. We both look 
upon it, that either my Lord Carteret will go out (which 
I hardly think is his scheme, or at least his inclination), 
or that he wUl be uncontrollable master. My brother 
supposes that, in that case, he means that we should go 
out. I rather think he may still flatter himself that 
(after having had this offer made to us, and our having 
dechned to take the Government upon ourselves) we 
shall be contented to act a subordinate part. Upon the 
whole, I think the event must be, that we must either 
take upon us the Government, or go out.' ^ 

Xot to ' go out,' if in any way he could possibly 
stay in, was the one principle to which Newcastle was 
constant throughout his long parhamentary career. 
Prom this point, therefore, his vague jealousy and dis- 
like of Carteret changed into a firm determination to 
get rid of him. Xewcastle's letters to Hardwicke, 
without whom he could do nothing but bribe and be 
ridiculous, are fuU of it. It was his element ; he could 
feel that he was in reality engaged in poHtics when he 
was intriguing against a colleague. He had intrigued 
against Walpole ; he had attempted to intrigue with 
Pulteney ; he was now intriguing against Carteret ; in 
the coming years he was to intrigue against Pitt and 
Fos. Craggs once said that a Secretary of State might 
be honest for a fortnight, but could not possibly con- 
tinue such conduct for a month. Newcastle never tried 
it even for the fortnight. 

The plot against Carteret was to succeed, but only 
after long and difficult operations. The outbreak of 
the war with France was itself slightly in Carteret's 

1 June 6, 1744. 

POWEB 21)9 

favour. There were onlookers who reckoned that his 
knowledge of foreign affairs would make his continuance 
in power necessary, and that the Pelhams would have 
to yield to his superiority. His position was strength- 
ened by the failure of the French invasion, and by the 
expectation of a successful campaign. But this expec- 
tation went all to ruin. It liad been first intended that 
the King Mmself should go to Flanders ; but Newcastle 
and his party declared that if that were so they would 
all resign, and the plan had to be abandoned.^ The 
English commander was therefore Marshal Wade ; with 
him was the Austrian D'Ahremberg ; both of them ter- 
ribly incompetent persons, especially when a Marshal 
Saxe was opposed to them. Whilst Wade looked on, his 
army doing literally nothing, Louis the Well-beloved and 
his generals Avere proceeding much as they pleased in 
the Netherlands, town after town yielding easily to their 
success. The only check which somewhat interrupted 
the victorious progress of France came from quite a 
different quarter. Prince Charles, Maria Theresa's 
brother-in-law, had been unable last year to invade 
France after Dettingen ; but in this new campaign he 
was trying it again, and on the last day of June 1744 
actually succeeded in crossing the Ehine into Alsace. 
Louis at once ended his ornamental patronage of his 
army in Flanders ; left to Saxe the easy task of looking 
after Wade ; and himself hastened to Metz, to terrify 
adoring France by his illness there, and to adopt the 
religious view till his recovery was complete. Could 
not old Wade in this altered state of things now do 
something ? There were difficulties ; he and D'Ahrem- 
berg were not on the best of terms ; the Dutch were 
as usual demonstrating their indisputable pre-eminence 
> Historical MSS. Commission ; Report III. 278. 


in phlegmatic sluggishness ; the French were perhaps 
somewhat superior in numbers. But Wade himself was 
probably the chief difficulty of all. He was suspected 
of leaning to the Pelham side of the administration, and 
of showing no great anxiety to carry out the instruc- 
tions which he received from Carteret ; while in military 
matters he was quite incompetent. ' He is old and 
quite broke,' wrote the Earl of Bentinck from the 
Hague ; ' so that when he has been four hours a-horse- 
back, he wants two days to recover the fatigue.' ^ Wade 
might have been a match for Sir John Cope ; opposed 
to Saxe he was merely a comic figure. He did, indeed, 
with his Austrian and Dutch alhes, continue to hold 
war councils that came to no decision, and to make 
confused military movements that resulted in no action ; 
more than that he did not do. When the campaign 
closed, the English and their allies had done absolutely 
nothing ; they had simply stood by to see the French 
win. ' The ever-memorable campaign of 1744 is now 
closed in Flanders,' wrote Trevor from the Hague in 
October. ' What posterity or the parliament will say 
of it, the Lord knows.' 

Thus the expectation that Carteret's position at 
home would be strengthened by a successful campaign 
abroad was completely falsified. The only thing worth 
calhng a success in the whole continental struggle was 
the defeat of Frederick of Prussia's first expedition in 
the second Silesian war ; and in that success England 
had no share. Frederick, clearly seeing that in Maria's 
haughty humour he was by no means yet secure in his 
hold on Silesia, had again alUed himself with France, 
and in August, greatly to the disturbance of the English 
King, had struck into the quarrel once more. ' I wish 
1 Brit. Mus. Pg^rton MSS. 1,713; fol. Gl t». 

POWEB 301 

he was Cham of Tartary ! ' said passionate little George 
once to Chesterfield of his incomprehensible cousin. 
This sudden diversion compelled Prince Charles to with- 
draw from Alsace, and Frederick, beginning brilliantly, 
took Prag ; but there all his success ended. The Aus- 
trians, trusting to weather and famine to do their 
business, would not figlit him ; and Frederick, baffled, 
could do nothing but retreat to Silesia, while his garrison 
withdrew from the one place that he had captured. 
This, a success for the cause which England was sup- 
porting, was not a success of which England in any 
direct way could adopt the credit ; and, even if it had 
been so, it would have come too late to affect appreci- 
ably the course of ministerial dissensions in London. 
The date of Carteret's fall was coincident with that 
of Frederick's faihu'e. 

By the summer months of 1744 it had become clear 
that the Government as it stood could not expect to 
meet the new session of parliament. There was now 
hardly even the pretence of union between the new 
and the old elements in tlie ministry which Carteret 
directed. The political intriguing of the Pelhams had 
easily reinforced itself by the deliberate employment of 
unbounded public misrepresentation. Everything that 
had failed at home or abroad was laid to the charge of 
Carteret. It was Carteret's fault that Prussia had once 
more struck into the war ; Cartei-et's fault that Wade 
was old and imbecile, and the Dutch the heaviest and 
slowest mortals in Europe. The old falsehoods Avere 
eagerly brought out once again, and Carteret was 
accused of grasping at despotism, and of prolongim;; the 
war for the ends of his own selfish ambition. Carteret, 
on his side, imprudently perhaps but very naturally, 
did not care to conceal his contempt for Newcastle, 


and made no mock professions of confidence in other 
colleagues who were almost ostentatiously conspiring 
against him. Carteret knew that the Pelhamswere toiling 
and plotting to remove him ; but he was not disheartened, 
and not at all inclined to yield without a struggle. He 
had the King strongly on his side ; and this more than 
anything vexed the souls of his rivals ; for never had 
George's disgust with them been so angrily evident as 
now. The King did not attempt to conceal it ; his per- 
sonal friend, Lord Waldegrave, says that his countenance 
could not dissemble. Newcastle bitterly compjlains of 
the King's manner, looks, and harsh expressions ; it 
added to the Duke's anguish that he received this treat- 
ment in the presence of Carteret himself. He tells his 
brother that they and their friends must compel the 
King to choose between Carteret and themselves, or 
Newcastle must despairingly resign. ' K nothing of the 
kind can be agreed upon, I must, and am determined to 
let the King know, that my having had the misfortune 
to differ in some points from Lord Carteret had, I found, 
made me so disagreeable to his majesty, that, out of 
duty to him and regard to myself, I must desire his 
leave to resign his employment ; for, indeed, no man can 
bear long what I go through every day, in our joint 
audiences in the closet.'^ 

Pelham was not much happier. He replies to his 
brother next day : ' I was at Court to-day, and designed 
to have gone in to the King, after the drawing-room was 
over ; but as Lord Carteret Avent in, and as I saw 
nothing particular in his majesty's countenance to make 
me over-forward, I chose to put it off till to-morrow.' 
' To-morrow ' was doubtless just as unpleasant as ' to- 
day' could have been. Disagreeable incidents, as 

' Xeivcaitle to Pelham ; August i'o, 1744. 

POWEB 303 

Newcastle mildly termed them, occurred daily ; much 
to the intriguer's distress, who was alarmed at the 
King's contemptuous indifference. George was simply 
slighting him ; and it was dangerous to let the King 
adopt the notion that from the Pelhams there was 
nothing to be hoped and nothing to be feared. The 
brothers, therefore, having failed so far in all their 
attempts, now turned to more decisive measures. They 
appealed to the leading Whigs in opposition, to Pitt, 
Chesterfield, Lyttelton, and the others, to join them ; 
and these, after very slight delay, unreservedly agreed. 
Then the final step was taken. Hardwicke, at JSTew- 
castle's request, drew up a long Memorial, denouncing 
Carteret's conduct and policy. The Pelham party 
resolved to present this document to the King, and to 
give him the option between Carteret's dismissal and 
their own resignations. 

On November 1, 1744, Newcastle handed the 
Memorial to the King. In Httle more than an hour 
George returned it to Newcastle House. He Avas not 
disposed to yield. On November 3, Carteret and New- 
castle were with the King together, and Carteret after 
the audience was for five minutes alone with George. 
Newcastle concluded that in this private interview the 
King told Carteret of the Pelhams' accusations and 
demands, ' probably with assurances of his support, and 
recommending management and some compliance to 
Lord Granville.^ I conclude this day the scheme of 
conduct will be settled between the King and Lord 
Granville, which will, I believe, be what I always fore- 
saw : a seeming acquiescence, depending upon Lord 

' Bv the death nf his mother, Carteret became Earl Granville on 
October 18, 1744. Till the close of this chapter, it will be more convenient 
to continue to speak of him as Lord Carteret. 


Granville's savoir to defeat it afterwards, and draw us 
on. This is what I most dread ; and I own I think 
nothing will prevent it but a concert entame, in a proper 
manner, directly with Lord Chesterfield.' ^ Pelham and 
Hardwicke asked audiences to enforce their written 
arguments, but were received with unconcealed ill- 
humour. To Hardwicke the King expressed his great 
regard for Carteret, and declared : ' You would persuade 
me to abandon my allies ; that shall never be the 
obloquy of my reign, as it Avas of Queen Anne's ; I wiU 
suffer any extremities rather than consent.' George 
was no more inchned to abandon his minister than to 
abandon his aUies. Carteret had served him well ; 
ingratitude was not among the King's many faults and 
faiUngs. Both he and the Prince of Wales made every 
effort to spoil the Pelhams' plot. The Prince Lad 
already tried to mediate between the rival ministers ; 
but that was plainly hopeless. He then attempted to 
gala over to Carteret's side the leading Whigs in oppo- 
sition. Here again he failed, for the Pelhams had been 
before him. Yet Carteret still continued minister ; and 
Xewcastle, slipping away from the bold words of the 
^Memorial, became once more all timid anxiety. He 
began to speculate. ^Slight not Carteret still remain 
in the Government, but in a less commanding position ? 
Without a glimpse of msight into his colleague's cha- 
racter, Newcastle was inchning to fear that Carteret, if 
dismissed, would throw himself into violent opposition ; 
and with equal obtuseness he suggested that Carteret 
might be induced to remain in the ministry if he were 
made Lord President, and liad the offer of the Garter. 
But in tljat case, wliat would tlie AValpole section say ? 
and without thera Newcastle had sadly to confess that 

' Newcastle to Hardwicke ; Nov. 3, 1744. 

POWER 805 

lie and bis personal friends could not carry on the 
(rovernment even if it were put into their hands. 

It was to the head of the Walpole party that the 
King, as a last resource, turned. He summoned Orford 
from Houghton to London. Orford, reluctantly obey- 
ing, arrived only a few days before parliament was to 
meet, and very unwillingly gave his opinion. It was 
not in favour of Carteret. Shortly after Carteret's 
Government liad been formed, Orford, referring to a 
coach accident at Eichmond which had been amusing 
the political world, said to Carteret in the hearing of 
the King and Newcastle : ' My Lord, whenever the Duke 
is near overturning you, you have nothing to do but to 
send to me, and I will save you.' The promise was 
very badly kept, though Carteret doubtless felt little 
surprise at that. Carteret now could do no more. 
Parliamentary influence and envious personal passions 
were united against him, and the King, Avith great 
reluctance and ill-humour, agreed that he should resign. 
On November 24 the Pelhams triumphed, and Cartei'et 
ceased to be Secretary of State. 

' AVlio would not laugh at a world where so ridicu- 
lous a creature as the Duke of Newcastle can overturn 
ministries ! ' Horace Walpole may laugh ; serious on- 
lookers are likely to consider contemptuous disgust the 
more appropriate feeling. The history of the rise and 
fall of ministers ought to be the favourite reading of 
the cynical ; and their favourite episode ought to be 
the triumph of Newcastle over Carteret. Corruption, 
treachery, and imbecility triumphed over patriotism 
and genius. The thing was so false and shameless that 
it lias extorted angry protests from observers who are 
in no danger of being styled sentimentalists. ' It is 
dillicult to see him [Cartcj-et] made the victim of so 



contemptible an intrigue, without feeling some m.otions 
of sympathy and indignation.' '^ The fawning falseness 
of the Duke of Newcastle is the fitting centre of one of 
the most disgraceful episodes in the history of political 

' "^.Villiam Godwin's Life of Pitt, 34, 35. 




Rather more than a month before his fall, Lord Carteret 
had become Earl Granville. His mother, Countess of 
Granville in her own right, died on October 18, 1744 ; 
her son succeeded her in the title. 

When the session opened on November 27, the par- 
liamentary scene was very chaotic. So difficult had been 
the Pelhams' task, that Granville had been removed only 
three days before, and in that short interval the brothers 
had already discovered that the fall of their rival was 
by no means the end of their troubles and dangers. 
' The King,' Horace Walpole reported to his Florence 
friend, 'has declared that my Lord Granville has his 
opinion and affection ; the Prince warmly and openly 
espouses him. Judge how agreeably the two brothers 
will enjoy their ministry ! To-morrow the parliament 
meets : all is suspense ! Everybody will be staring at 
each other ! ' A first difficulty embarrassed the Pelhams 
when they attempted to satisfy the heterogeneous mass 
of politicians who had helped them to get rid of Gran- 
\ille. The discontented Whigs, represented by Chester- 
field, had joined in the intrigue ; and Pitt, whose early 
political career is not at all edifying, had concurred. 
Tories also had been of the number, and all looked for 

X 2 


tlieir reward. With a kind of timid hopefulness the 
brothers therefore thought to strengthen themselves 
against Granville, of whom they still stood in great 
fear, by forming a mixed Government chosen from each 
of the pohtical parties ; a Government which the cant 
])hrase of the day denominated Broad Bottom. The 
arrangement was not altogether easy. The Whigs 
grumbled that there should be any Tories at all ; the 
Tories grumbled that they themselves were so few. 
But a second difficulty hampered the negotiations still 
more. The King was full of passionate resentment at 
the way in which the Pelhams and their friends had 
treated him ; and he was especially angry with New- 
castle, whom he truly enough styled a jealous puppy, 
unfit to be leading minister. He showed his irritated 
annoyance by violent opposition to many of the intended 
changes. When Chesterfield was proposed to him as 
Lord-Lieutenant of L-eland, the King burst out, ' He 
sliall have nothing. I command you to trouble me no 
more with such nonsense. • Although I have been forced 
to part with those I hked, I "n-LU never be induced to 
take those who are disagreeable to me.' EoyaUy angry 
as he was, George in this instance had to yield, and 
Chesterfield, commissioned with an embassy to the Hague 
before going to Dublin, received a parting audience of 
less than one minute. But as for Pitt, who had ex- 
celled all in the unrestrained bitterness of party violence, 
the King dechned altogether ; and Pitt's claim for the 
]jresent was not puslied. .'^<j troublesome were tbe-e 
various dis])utes and difTereiices that it was close upon 
Christmas Ijefore the ministerial changt;s were completed. 
Henry Pelliam was Prime ^linister ; Xewcastle, probably 
still believing that Hanover was in Scotland, became on 
this or-ca'<i()ii Secretary for the .Suutli. wliere tliere was 


a fresh geographical fiekl to conquer. Harrington took 
the Northern dej^artment, as it was desirable that at 
least one of the Foreign Secretaries should know some- 
thing about foreign affairs. Hardwicke remained Lord 
Chancellor ; Chesterfield went to Ireland ; other places 
were filled by Bedford, Grafton, Gower, and Henry 

The Duke of Newcastle, who liad thus had his wa}' 
and set himself with appalling self-satisfaction to the 
considerable task of governing England, is the most curi- 
ouslj' ridiculous being who ever took a leading part in 
English political affairs. Merely to set eyes upon the man, 
to hear him talk, to see him move, gave one an irresistible 
sense of the ridiculous. He never walked, but shuflled 
along with a hasty trot, in a constantly confused and 
bustling hurry. His talk was a bubbling stammer which 
added the most ludicrous emphasis to the chaotic medley 
of his private conversation. His public speaking Avas 
equally absurd. He could not reason ; he rambled in- 
conclusively through all the intricacies of his subject, 
perpetually contradicting himself, yet quite unconscious 
of his own imbecility. Hervey says that those for whom 
he spoke generally wished that he had been silent, and 
those who listened wished so always. The fussy, untidy 
hurry that marked his talk was equally conspicuous in 
his way of doing business. Tlie town said of him that 
he lost half an hour every morning, and ran about all 
the rest of tlie day unsuccessfull)" trying to overtake it. 
He was full of agitated eagerness to plunge into j^olitical 
business of all kinds, and when he had got it he did 
not know how to do it. Meddling with everything, he 
fretted and tormented liimself about everything. His 
jealous imagination perpetually fancied and brooded 
over slights which had absolutely no existence, and then 


he became peevish and miserable and quarrelsome. As 
suddenly he would be all emotional and maudlin friend- 
liness again, and flatter while he feared. In a letter of 
his own in which he rather curiously says, ' I am not 
vain of my abihties,' he remarks of himself: 'My temper 
is such that I am often uneasy and peevish, and perhaps 
what may be called wrong-headed, to my best friends, 
but that always goes down with the sun, and passes off 
as if nothing had happened.' ^ It is true he was not 
naturally a bad-tempered man, and he profusely prac- 
tised the easy virtue of being abundantly good-natured 
whenever he had his own way. 

Newcastle's foolishness was only equalled by his 
falseness. It was part of the fidgety hurry of his 
character that with flurried effusiveness he scattered 
promises right and left ; and he never kept any of them. 
But more serious than the falseness of hastily stuttered 
assurances \v&s his persistent and invincible treachery' 
to Lis own political colleagues. His word, spoken or 
written, could never be believed. Walpole said that his 
name was Perfidy, and Pitt plainly called him ' a very 
great liar.' His life was one long intrigue ; and false- 
ness to every one who met him on the political road was 
the sole principle to which he was unswervingly con- 
sistent. The history of his political treachery is the 
story of his poUtical hfe. His boldness in underhand 
intrigue was in singular contrast with his exces-ivo 
political and personal timidity. The Duchess of Yar- 
mouth once told him that he had been brought up in 
the fear of God and of his brother. When Chesterfield 
introduced his bill for the amendment of the Calendar, 
Newcastle was much alarmed at such daring- reform. 
He did not like new-fangled things, he said, and im- 
' Riit. Mus. Add. MSS. fi.l75: fol. 77-70. Oct. 14, 1730. 


plored Chesterfield to leave it alone. He was afraid to 
sleep in a bedroom by himself, and would rather have a 
footman lying on a pallet beside him than be sohtary 
for the night. He looked ready to drop with fear on 
his first interview with George 11. ; for he had once 
offended the Prince of Wales, who now was King ; the 
passionate little Prince had fiercely trodden on his toe 
and had roared, ' You rascal, I will find you ! ' The 
town, to whom the ludicrous Duke was a perpetual fund 
of amusement, declared that while the rebels were 
marching south in 1745, Newcastle tremblingly shut 
himself up in his room for a whole day, reflecting 
whether he had not better declare for the Pretender. 
He was never out of England till he was about sixty, 
and then was much distressed at the thought of the 
Channel crossing. Once when attending the King to 
Hanover he would only venture over in a yacht that 
liad recently weathered a heavy storm. But his timidity 
took its most amusing form in his apprehensive anxiety 
for his health. Even those who flattered him made a 
jest of his frightened precautions and his troops of 
physicians and apothecaries. A guest at Claremont 
once felt somewhat unwell after eating a few mush- 
rooms. Newcastle immediately ordered that all the 
mushroom-beds at Claremont should be destroyed. He 
passed his life in the constant fear of catching cold. 
Often in tlie heat of summer, says Waldegrave, ' the 
debates in the House of Lords would stand stiU, till 
some window were shut, in consequence of the Duke's 
orders. The peers would all be melting in sweat, that 
the Duke might not catch cold.' He coddled himself 
everywhere and in everything. When he had con- 
quered his fear of the Channel so far as to attend the 
King to Hanover, he pestered those who were to be his 


hr)sts on the route with the most elaborate directions 
for his domestic security. While he was Secretary of 
State and leader of the Government in the House of 
Linxls, he found time to write in his own hand letters of 
most minute instruction on this absorbing topic. The 
curious can still consult his manuscripts. He bids the 
English minister at the Hague taste wines for him ; buy 
a carriage for him, and be sure that the seats are 
quilted ; actually sends him patterns of cloth for the 
lining, and implores him to look anxiously to the linch- 
pins and have plenty of spare tackle lest anything should 
break. He does not leave all this to servants or secre- 
taries, or to the female portion of his household, but 
does it all at vast length with his own ministerial hand. 
Above all he never forgets the airing of the beds. ' I 
beg that they may be lain in every night for a month,' 
he writes once when announcing an approaching visit 
to the Hague. ' Pray let the beds be laid {sic) in from 
tlie time you receive this letter,' he says on another 
occasion. To get his feet wet, or even cold, was mar- 
tyrdom to him. In the Abbey, at the funeral of George 
n., the Duke of Cumberland suddenly felt himself 
weighed down from behind. It Avas Xewcastle, who 
had stepped upon his train to avoid the chilhness of the 
marble floor. Horace Walpole saw Xewcastle, then 
actually Prime Minister himself, at a ball in 1750, and 
Avroto to Montagu : — 

' He went into the liazard-room, and wriggled, and 
shuffled, and lisped, and winked, and spied. . . Xol:iodv 
Avent near him ; he tried to flatter people that were too 
busy to mind him ; in short, he was quite disconcerted ; 
his treacliery u.'^ed to be so slieathed in folly that he 
was never out of countenance ; but it is plain he grows 
old. To finish his confu'^ion and anxiety, George Selwvu, 


Brand, and I went and stood near him, and in half whis- 
pers, that he might hear, said, " Lord ! how he is broke ! 
liow old he looks! " Then I said, "This room feels very 
cold : I believe there never is a fire in it." Presently 
afterwards I said, " Well, I'll not stay here ; this room has 
been washed to-day." In short, I believe Ave made him 
take a double dose of Gascoigne's powder when he 
went home.' 

The dreary tract of history presided over by this 
ridiculous yet cunningly treacherous being did not open 
very brilliantly for the new ministry. The King made 
no attempt to conceal his displeasure, and treated his 
advisers very badly. In little more than a month after 
Granville's fall, Newcastle was speculating on the prob- 
able date of his own dismissal ; and Hardwicke, when in 
an audience he begged the King for support and confi- 
dence, could not for some time obtain a word in reply. 
The royal favour was reserved entirely for Granville 
and his friends. And public affairs did not go well. It 
was professedly on account of his foreign policy tliat 
tlie Pelhams had conspired against G]-anville ; j^et the 
first act of the reconstituted ministry declared tliat 
there would be no alteration in foreign measures. Tlie 
cry was soon raised that though ministers had turned 
Granville out they were simplj' continuing Granville's 
policy ; and Newcastle recognised the truth and tlie 
danger of the accusation when he wrote to his brother : 
' We must not, because we see)n to be in, forget all we 
said to keep Lord Granville out.' When on February 5, 
174-3, the Government proposed that the Enghsh troops 
in Flanders should be continued during that year, their 
adversaries declared that tliis Avas merely an old measure 
from a new ministry ; but Pelham found an entliusiastic 
supporter in Pitt. He was very ill ; came down to the 


House with the mien and apparatus of an invalid ; ^ 
some even thought he could not live long, and in his 
speech he spoke of himself as a dying man But he 
used abundant gesture and rhetoric, and his eloquence 
bore down all opposition. He professed to beheve that 
the whole question in 1745 differed from the question as 
it stood the year before; for Granville had fallen, and all 
romantic attempts to assist Austria in the recovery of what 
Pitt called the avulsa inemhra Imperii had fallen mth 
him. In other words, Pitt in his rhetorical way accused 
Granville of having directed his foreign policy towards 
the recovery of Silesia for Maria Theresa; a ridiculously 
untrue accusation a2:ainst the chief agent in obtainin;^ 
the Treaty of Breslau. ' The object now is,' saidPitt, ' to 
enable ourselves, by a close connection with Holland, 
to hold out equitable terms of peace both to friends 
and foes, without prosecuting the war a moment longer 
than is necessary to acquire a valid security for our own 
rights and those of our allies, as established by public 
treaties.' AVhat else at any time had been Granville's 
object ? But the necessities of party politics are stern. 
Pitt did not fail to flavour his compliments to Pelham 
with invective of the usual style against Granville. The 
policy sanctioned Ijy the ' rash hand of a daring minister ' 
was reproachfully contrasted with the moderate and 
heahng measures of the new patriotic administration. 
A brightening dawn of national salvation had at last met 
Pitt's patriotically straining eyes, and he would follow it 
as far as it would lead him. It first of all led him into 
a position where a statesman with the most rudimentary 
respect for consistency might have felt very uncom- 
fortable. Gn no subject had Pitt so lavished his scorn- 
ful rhetoric as on the connection between England and 

' Yorkf's Parliamentary Journal. 


Hanover, and nothing had more scandalised his eloquent 
patriotism than the English payment of Hanoverian 
soldiers. How bitterly he had upbraided Granville for 
this, and how his prophetic soul had been vexed by 
visions of the degradation of England before a petty 
Teutonic province ! Yet now, when the Pelhanis, fearful 
of seeming to continue everything which Granville had 
done, with dull timidity proposed a juggle by which 
England, while appearing no longer to pay these troops, 
should really continue to do so, Pitt at once supported 
them with strong approval. An annual subsidy of 
300,000/. had been voted to Maria Theresa since the 
beginning of the war. Pelham now proposed that the 
Queen should receive 500,000/., and it was perfectly well 
understood that with the difference she was to support 
the Hanoverian troops which the English Government 
thereupon magnanimoasly resigned. Nobody was de- 
ceived ; England was simply paying with the left liand 
instead of witli the right. Ministers of course descanted, 
with all the solemnit}' of augurs, on the paternal regard 
of his majesty and the benevolent royal desire to put an 
end to jealousies and heart-burnings. Augurs have to 
tallv like that. Bu4 Pitt also, who was free from any official 
obligation, eulogised the wisdom and goodness of the 
Prince who had so graciously condescended to accept 
Avhat was a mere sham and subterfuge ; and, when he 
Avas attacked for his shameless inconsistency, he could 
only fall back on the pleasant and convenient desire 
that all that had jireviously passed on this question 
might be buried in oblivion. The equivocal arrange- 
ment proposed hj the Government was agreed to ; 
but it was easy for Granville's friends to make some 
very telling observations. The Pelham section of the 
administration had only last year strongly apprn\-ed of 


paying the Hanoverians ; yet now they were making 
a virtue of seeming to dismiss them ; the Pitt section 
had seemed to consider the very personal existence of 
these men on the face of the eartli as a national 
grievance ; yet now they were voting English money 
to support them. The whole transaction placed the 
ministry in so bad a light that it was reckoned that 
Granville, if he had chosen to show any resentment, 
could have taken almost any revenge he pleased. 

GranviUe did not interpose, and the Pelhams passed 
through the rest of the parliamentary session with but 
little trouble. But the King's displeasure with them was 
not lessened, and the events of the year 1745 were not of 
a kind to strengthen their Government. Foreign affairs 
had at first seemed in a hopeful way ; Frederick's failure 
in Bohemia had raised Austrian expectations ; and, on 
.January 20, the death of the Emperor Charles VII. 
broke the union between France and Bavaria. The new 
Bavarian Elector came to terms with Maria Theresa, 
and sanguine observers hoped that this fortunate peace 
might be the forerunner of a general one. Far from it. 
The war still went on in its double fashion ; England 
against France in the Xetherlands, Frederick against 
Austria in Germany ; rather like two separate wars than 
the co-operation of allies. And England was fortunate 
nowhere. The Duke of Cumberland had gone to the 
Hague in high spirits, to put himself at the head of 
the aUied army ; but Saxe beat him at Fontenoy, and 
town after town fell into the hands of the French. 
Austria fared just as badly. In battle after battle 
Frederick was victorious ; and one week before the of the year Maria Theresa was compelled to 
yield, and to confirm to Prussia the cession of Silesia. 

This state of thing- wa>; sufficiently disgusting to 


George, and he reckoned his ministers mainly respon- 
sible for his misfortunes. The grand improvement in 
home and foreign affairs which was to result from the 
dismissal of Granville had certainly nowhere appeared. 
The King accused Newcastle of having cheated and 
deceived him, and threw the Duke into deep distress. 
When parliament ended in May 1745, Newcastle and 
his allies told George that if he persisted in using them 
so badly they could not face another session. But 
George took no notice, and went off to Hanover with 
Harrington, whom he did not yet hate more than all the 
other ministers together. When the King returned, his 
ill-humour increased. In September 1745 Newcastle 
wrote to the Duke of Eichmond that the administration 
had no power ; that the King would hardly vouchsafe 
to them a word on business ; that he used bad languao-e 
to them in their private interviews, telUng Pelham 
further that he was incapable and a mere looker-on at 
other men's policy, and roundly calling his advisers 
' pitiful fellows.'^ While the Government was in this 
wretched situation at home, the French were making 
unchecked progress in the Netherlands, and urgent 
appeals for assistance were coming from the Dutch. 
Granville counselled firmness and vigour ; but the Pel- 
hams did little or nothing. They even ventured to choose 
this period of irritation for a deliberate demand which 
the King felt intolerable. They required that Pitt 
should be made Secretary at War. The King at first 
absolutely declined ; Pitt, he said, might have any office 
but that. When the ministers continued their impor- 
tunities, George bitterly complained that his action was 
being forced ; and he lamented to Lord Bath that he 

'- Historical MSS. Commission; Report 1. ll.j. 31SS. of the Duke of 


■was not a King but a prisoner. On Bath's advice he 
positively refused that special appointment for Pitt, and 
Bath admitted to Harrington that the advice was his. 
' They who dictate in private should be employed in 
public,' dryly replied the Secretary ; and though Pitt 
gave up his claim, and the Government acquiesced in 
the refusal, the Pelhams resolved to give the King a 
lesson which he would hardly be likely to forget. 

On -January 17, 1746, Charles Stuart had de- 
feated General Hawley at Falkirk. It was while a 
serious rebellion was still successfully fighting against 
the sovereign that the responsible ministers of the crown 
resolved to resign. There was no question of principle 
at issue ; while English troops were fighting a Pretender 
the Pelhams threw up the Government as a mere specu- 
lation in personal and party tactics. They seem to have 
persuaded themselves, with good enough reason, that 
the King was anxious to get rid of them as soon as 
pubhc affairs would allow. They resolved to anticipate 
him. Sacrificing every feeling of responsibility and 
patriotism to their jealousy of a dreaded rival and to 
their determination to let the King feel that they them- 
selves were indispensable, they produced a pohtical crisis 
in the midst of a military rebellion. On February 10 
their scheme, well calculated with ingenious selfishness, 
was started by the resignation of Lord Harrington. He 
angered George by the rough indecency of his behaviour. 
Instead of returning the purse and seals into the King's 
hands, he flung them down on the table and declared 
he could no longer serve with honour.^ Xewcastle, who 
resigned the same day, managed better with his master. 
He himself wrote that in their interview the King wa- 
' very civil, kind enough, and we parted very good 

' Lord Marchinont's Diary ; Marehmont Papers, I. 182. 


friends.' The Government had noAV lost both its Foreign 
Secretaries. Instantly the seals of both departments 
Avere sent to Granville : the one for himself, the other 
for whomever he might select. On the very next 
day, Granville attended at Court as minister, and de- 
spatched a circular to the ministers abroad, informing 
them that the Xing ' has been pleased to appoint me to 
resume the place of principal Secretary of State, and 
to execute the business of both offices for the present.' 
Bath was made Fiist Lord of the Treasury ; Granville 
and Bath together were to rearrange the dilapidated 

So far well ; but on this same day of Granville's 
appointment, Pelhani, whom Granville had no wish to 
remove from the ministry, also resigned, and was followed 
by many other members of the Government. It was 
announced that other important resignations would take 
place next day. The ingenious scheme of the Pelhams 
was thus evident at once. In order to distress the 
King, and to make the formation of a new ministry 
impossible, they had induced every important member 
of the existing administration, and many who were the 
very reverse of important, to follow them into retire- 
ment. The success of such well-laid plans could hardly 
in any case have been long delayed, though authori- 
ties variously estimate the amount of support on which 
Granville might have fairly counted. On one event, 
however, Granville can hardly have reckoned. On 
February 12, Lord Bath, in a fit of frightened irreso- 
lution, resigned the office which he had only accepted 
the day before. He had taken Lord Carlisle with 
him to Court, to present him as one of the new min- 
isters ; but instead of introducing him to the King, Bath 
himself went in alone to a private audience, resigned 


liis own seals, and then ' sneaked down the back-stair, 
leaving Lord Carlisle kicking his heels at the fire in 
the outer room.'^ Thus the difficult attempt which, by 
the King's desire, Granville was making, w^as practically 
ruined a few hours after its commencement. Horace 
Walpole gives a lively account of the conclusion of the 
affair. Lord Bath, says Walpole, in a letter very weak 
on the grammatical side, 

' Went to the King, and told him that he had tried 
the House of Commons, and found it would not do. 
Bounce ! went all the project into shivers, like the vessels 
in Ben Jonson's Alchymist, when they are on the brink 
of the philosopher's stone. The poor King, who, from 
iDeing fatigued with the Duke of Xewcastle, and sick 
of Pelham's timidity and compromises, had given in to 
this mad hurly-burly of alterations, was confounded 
with having floundered to no purpose, and to find him- 
self more than ever in the power of men he hated, 
shut himself up in his closet, and refused to admit any 
more of the people who were pouring in upon him 
with white sticks, and golden keys, and commissions, 
etc. At last he sent for Winnington, and told him he 
was the only honest man about him, and should have 
the honour of a reconcihation, and sent him to Mr. 
Pelham, to desire they would all return to their em- 

It was on February 14, two days after Bath's resig- 
nation, that the King was forced to this determination ; 
and on that same day Granville resigned, and Xewcastle 
and Harrington resumed their places. Lord March- 
mont saw Granville come out from his parting audience 
with the King. ' He met the Duke of Xewcastle going 

' yiarchmont Papers, I. 174. 

■ II. Wal].ole to Mann; IVb. 14, 1746. 


in ; and they made each other a dry bow, and passed 
on.' That was a curious Uttle scene, full of the sarcasm 
of politics. The imbecile Duke had once more defeated 
the man of genius. It is not probable that on this 
particular occasion Granville expected anything else. 
In obedience to the King, he had cheerfuUy made the 
attempt ; but he seems to have done it against his own 
judgment, and he certainly did not deceive himself 
with expectations of success. He did not think it 
necessary to inform the ambassador at Florence of 
his appointment ; before a courier could get there, he 
said, he should be out of power again. On a later 
occasion he distinctly declared that he was forced into 
the thing by Lord Bath,^ whose own conduct on the 
occasion fully justified the nickname of ' weathercock ' 
Pulteney. But it is not necessary to exaggerate the 
effect which Bath's fright and betrayal produced on 
the new arrangements. It only hastened what could 
not in any case have been long in coming. Against 
the overwhelming parliamentary influence of the Pel- 
hams it was impossible to stand ; and the l^rothers 
knew that they had resigned only to be recalled. 
They perhaps were not even much surprised that the 
summons came to them so very quickly. Bath had 
been First Lord of the Treasury for one day ; Gran- 
ville had been Secretary of State for less than four. 

To small wits this curious political episode was a 
godsend and source of mild rapture. Gentle dulness 
feared to walk the streets by night, lest it should be 
seized by the press-gang and forced into the Cabinet. 
In a moment of inspiration it was discovered that the 
friends of Granville were Granvillains. Other brillian- 
cies, hardly inferior to these, dazzled the pohtical world. 

' H. Walpole to Mann ; June 18, 1751. 



But the Kinfj- was not among the laughers. Granville 
himself took the thing in the most good-humoured 
way ; but George was fuU of anger and vexation. He 
asked Bath to write a full account of the way in which 
his ministers had treated him. ' Eub it in their noses,' 
he said royally, ' and if it be possible make them 
ashamed.' To the Duke of Xewcastle he called Har- 
rington a rascal ; to Harrington he called the Duke a 
fool. He treated Harrington Avith special incivihty, 
and never forgot his grudge against him ; for he had 
been the first minister to resign. Four years later, 
when there was a question of some official appointment 
for Harrington, the King flew into a rage. ' He said the 
generalship of marines was to be the reward of every- 
body who flew in his face : that that was the case of 
that old rascal Stair : that my Lord Harrington should 
have his ears cut ofi". . . . At last he said, " He de- 
serves to be hanged ; and I am ready to tell him so. ' ^ 
Pelham, not so hardened to abuse as his brother, was 
soon again threatening resignation. He told the King 
he would rather Granville should have his place than 
keep it himself. The retort was olj\ious. ■ You make 
it impossible for him to have it, and then want me to 
give it to him.' Gossip of the town did indeed soon 
point to Granville as destined speedily to be minister 
again ; but the King had received his lesson, and did 
not forcret it. ^linisters are the King in this country, 
he had once said to Lord Chancellor Hard^vNicke : and 
he now ^delded with anciiv disL'ust. • Go back r — yes. 
but not without conditions ! Harrington had insisted 
when tlie Pelhams re.-:umed their places after Granville's 
four days. One of the conditions concerned Pitt, and 
the sure sign of the King's surrender was the admission 

' Add. M~.=. '.'fi^i ; fol. 10.3. Utter of Newcastle, Oct. 21, 1750, 


of Pitt to office. Tears were seen in his eyes when Pitt 
first appeared in the drawing-room to kiss hands.' 

For two years more after this short ministerial 
crisis the war in the Netherlands dragged drearily on 
under the dull direction of the Pelhams. It was one 
long story of mismanagement and failure. During the 
Scotch rebellion, English help was withdrawn from the 
Austrians in Flanders, and the French were left to do 
as they pleased. Their successes were numerous ; 
nearly all the Austrian ]Sretherla)\ds feU into their 
hands. Yet they began to think of peace. They had 
lost their Bavarian alliance ; they had lost Prussia when 
Frederick had made peace with Maria Theresa ; they 
lost active help from Spain by the death of the Spanish 
King in the summer of 1746. In these circumstances, 
a Congress, as futile as those at Cambrai and Soissons, 
was opened at Breda in September, and sat wearily 
there till March 1747, when it broke up, having done 
nothing. The war, with its long list of losses and 
defeats, continued. The Pelhams were not happier in 
their management of their own domestic concerns. 
Party politics were in a more or less confused condition, 
and party feeling was running high. It was in this 
year 1746 that Gibbon, a schoolboy of nine years old, 
was in his own words ' reviled and buffeted ' because 
his ancestors had been Tories. The ministers them- 
selves were quarrelling with one another. Harrington, 
the one Secretary, very naturally wished to put an 
end to the war ; Newcastle, the other, terribly anxious 
to gain the King's personal favour, desired that the 
wretched military business should continue. The 
dispute was onl)- closed by the dismissal of Harrington 
with a heavy pension ; though in official language he 

' Glover's Memoirs of n Celehnited roUtkal and Literary Character. 

Y 2 


resigned on account of his age and infirmities. Being 
old and infirm, lie was naturally made Lord-Lieutenant 
of L-eland. On October 29, the day after Harring- 
ton's resignation, Chesterfield took the vacant place ; 
anxiously pressed to accept by Xewcastle, who feared 
that if he refused the King would again send for Gran- 
ville. Chesterfield accepted, hardly, as he said, knowing 
whether he was on his head or his heels ; and the 
chaotic condition of the ministry became every month 
more evident. Chesterfield's conversations with Lord 
Marchmont give a most curious picture of the way in 
which the so-called Government of England conducted 
the nation's affairs. The King hated all his advisers ; 
but, unable to get rid of them, left them to do as they 
pleased, bitterly saying that he was not competent to 
assist them in cases of difiiculty. ' Xo real business was 
done,' said Chesterfield to Marchmont ; ' there was no 
plan ; and, in differences of opinion, the King bid them 
do what they thought fit, and continued very indolent, 
saying that it signified nothing, as his son, for whom he 
did not care a louse, was to succeed him, and would 
live long enough to ruin us all ; so that there was no 
Government at all.' Li October 1747 Chesterfield told 
Marchmont that he did not know where the Govern- 
ment lived. There was no Government ; they met, and 
talked, and then said, Lord ! it is late ; when shall we 
meet to talk over this again ? In that same month, the 
differences between Newcastle and his brother were so 
extreme that they could not speak to each other 
without falhng into a passion, and actually dechned to 
meet. The leader in the House of Commons would not 
see the leader in the House of Lords. Pelham and 
Chesterfield were anxious for peace ; Xewcustle, not 
understanding what he was talking about, urged the 


continuance of the war. Befoi'e the year was out 
Chesterfield, disgusted with his personal situation, and 
declaring that what might become of the other ministers 
was no business of his, resolved to resign. He did so 
in February 1748; 'on account of the ill state of his 
health,' wrote Newcastle with unblushing officialism. 
The Secretaryships were once more shuffled. Newcastle 
returned to his old Northern Department; the Duke of 
Bedford became Secretary for the South. 

Chesterfield on resigning had left behind him a pro- 
test against the prolongation of the war. But already 
the war was practically over. The King's speech at 
the opening of the session in November 1747 had 
announced, without open sarcasm, the meeting of one 
more European Congress. This Congress duly com- 
menced to assemble at Aix-la-Chapelle in March 1748, 
Lord Sandwich being the chief English representative. 
On the last day of April, England, France, and Holland, 
finding it impossible to overcome the vexatious delays 
of Austria and Spain, privately signed preliminaries of 
peace on their own account, leaving the others to agree 
at their leisure. Fighting therefore ceased ; and on 
October 18 the definite Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was 
signed by all parties. Thus at length the unfortunate 
war was over ; yet the peace created no enthusiasm, 
and even little approval, in England. It was evident 
from the first that the so-called peace was only a 
temporary arrangement which practically concluded 
nothing. England had been at war with France and 
Spain ; this fantastic settlement left the leading ques- 
tions of dispute between the three countries still un- 
decided. The very question which had been the 
original cause of the war, the Spanish claim of Eight 
of Search, Avas not even mentioned in the treaty ; and 


while England acquired Cape Breton, nothing was done 
towards defining an intelligible boundary-line between 
the English and French possessions in Xortli America. 
The treaty or armistice of Aix-la-Chapelle left all this 
in the vague, and was little more than the commence- 
ment of a truce which managed to last for eight 

The pohtical history of England during the two or 
three years which immediately followed the peace is of 
the very slightest interest. It is hardly to be called 
political history at all. Parliament was tranquil and 
doing nothing ; in the session of 1750 the fullest House 
and largest division were on a disputed turnyjike bill. 
A little languid agitation accompanied the patronage 
which it pleased the Prince of Wales to give to such 
mediocre opposition as there was ; a Princely patronage 
from which Granville held quite aloof Otherwise, the 
political Avorld found its sole excitement in the personal 
squabbling of Xewcastle with members of his own 
Government, and in the shifting schemes and combina- 
tions with which he was joerpetually busied. Having 
already disgusted and alienated Harrington and Chester- 
field, Xewcastle was now elaborating a quarrel with the 
Duke of Bedford. As the Pelham Government origin- 
ally stood, Bedford had been at the head of the Admiralty. 
When he was promoted to the Secretaryship of State, 
his influence secured the Admiralty appointment for 
hi? friend Sandwich. The intimacy between Sandwich 
and Bedford annoyed Xewcastle ; and the very friendly 
intercourse of the King's favourite son Cumberland with 
the Bedford party roused all the Prime Minister's jealous 
alarm and treacherous timidity. In his usual way he 
began to scheme for Bedford's removal. He was so 
friL^litened, and so willing to humiliate himself when- 


ever he seemed to see the slightest menace to his own 
personal power, that he even attempted to win over 
Granville to his side, and in June 1749 offered him the 
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland ; but Granville refused. 
Having failed here, and finding no success in his schemes 
for dismissino- his colleague, Newcastle was soon goinfj 
through his favourite performance and threatening to 
resign. The ministers unkindly told him that he might 
do as he pleased. Of course he did not resign ; and in 
April 1750, overcoming his dread of the Channel for 
the second time in his life, he accompanied the King to 
Hanover. From the Hague he poured out his distresses 
to his brother : — 

' I think it a little hard that the Duke of Cumber- 
land and the Princess Amelia should use me so cruelly 
as they have done : excommunicate me from all societ}', 
set a kind of brand or mark upon me and all who think 
with me ; and set up a new, unknown, factious young 
party [Sandwich and Bedford] to rival me, and nose me 
everywhere. This goes to my heart : I am sensible, if 
I could have submitted and cringed to such usage, the 
pubhc appearances would have been better, and perhaps 
some secret stabs have been avoided ; but I was too 
proud and too innocent to do it.' ^ 

How could proud innocence endure the stabbing 
and the branding and the nosing any longer ? New- 
castle accordingly now began to lose and bewilder 
himself in a confused medley of ridiculous or impossible 
plans. If Bedford could not be got out of the way, 
Newcastle would himself cease to be Secretary of State, 
and become Lord President. Could not Sir Thomas 
Eobinson, or even Chesterfield, once more take the 
seals ? Hardwicke immediately informed the Duke that 

1 Coxe's Pelham, 11. 336. May 20, ]750. 


the ministry would not accept Eobinson, and the King 
would not accept Chesterfield. Then Newcastle blandly- 
suggested Granville, and with amusing superciliousness 
assured Pelham that Granville would make a very good 
Secretary, and would be the greatest conceivable assist- 
ance to them in their management of foreign affairs. 
Newcastle even professed to be no longer afraid of 
Granville. ' My Lord Granville is no more the terrible 
man ; non eadeni est retas, non men-.' When Pelham, 
who probably knew better, replied that if Granville 
were made Secretary of State he would himself resign, 
Newcastle immediately declared that Granville was of 
course out of the question. ' I opinidtre nothing,' he 
wrote in his terrible jargon to Hardwicke. 'Lord 
Granville is dropped ; I will never mention him more.' ^ 
So schemes were sketched only to vanish ; and in 
November, when the King and Newcastle returned, 
things were in a more confused condition than ever. 
They rapidly became worse. When Pelham at last 
ventured to propose to the King the removal of Bedford, 
the King absolutely refused. Newcastle was in despair. 
He would resign, and Granville might form a new minis- 
try. He quarrelled afresh with his brother, and they 
refused to meet except on public affairs. The confusion, 
the faction, the endless intriguing were so bewildering 
that even sneering and cynical onlookers of the 
Horace Walpole stamp confessed themselves sick of 
the contemptible scene. 

The political imbroglio seemed almost at its worst, 
when an unexpected event came to the assistance of 
the Pelhams. On March -31, 1751, the Prince of AV ales 
died. The Leicester House opposition, of which party 
Bolingbroke was the only member much above medio- 

' Add. MSS. 0^24 ; fol. 80, 81. 


crity, was thus broken up, and thePelhams were corre- 
spondingly relieved. They now felt strong enough to 
have their own way about Bedford, in spite of the 
King's refusal to disiniss him. By dismissing Sandwich, 
who owed his place to Bedford, they would make it 
impossible for Bedford himself to keep office. In June 
Sandwich was removed, and Bedford resigned next 
day. Two or three days later a more startling an- 
nouncement was made. Pelham had repeatedly and 
positively declared, in public and in private, that he 
would never again serve as a colleague with Granville. 
Yet on June 17 Granville became Lord President of 
the Council in the Government of the Pelhams. Pro- 
bably each side felt its need of the other. Newcastle 
during his residence at Hanover had never been weary 
of urging upon his brother how useful Granville would 
be to them in their foreign politics, and how dangerous 
opposition might become if Granville should clioose to 
put himself at the head of it. Granville, on his side, 
had learnt from personal experience that it was im- 
possible for any statesman to hold power if opposed by 
the Pelhams' parliamentary influence. After all that 
had passed during so many years a perfect reconciliation 
was hardly to be hoped for ; but a common under- 
standing was arranged in a very informal way. Gran- 
ville and Pelham met privately at the house of a friend ; 
one of the two, it is impossible now to say which, 
arriving there in a mysteriously muffled-up condition, 
unrecognisable to any one. They talked to each other 
with considerable reserve. But their host was deter- 
mined that the negotiation should not fail. At the 
right moment he produced, with perfect success, a good 
supper and good wine. The preliminary coolness soon 
passed away, and next day it was known to all tlie 


world that union was restored between them.^ But the 
agreement was one of convenience and toleration far 
more than of eager co-operation. Granville told the 
Pelhams that he would work harmoniously with them, 
and he kept liis word. On the day before he accepted 
office he wrote to Newcastle : — 

'Your Grace may depend on my cordial attach- 
ment, which I shall explain further when I see you. I 
am glad that Mr. Pelham has told you that he will 
support your measures jointly ; which is all I can 
desire, dreading nothing so much as disputes, whirh 
I will never occasion or promote.' 

But Granville's personal opinion of the Pelhams of 
course remained what it had always been ; and the 
Pelhams feared Granville hardly less as a friend than 
as an enemy. Observers thought that they had good 
ground for fear, and that Granville would soon be 
master again in fact if not in name. ' Lord Granville,' 
wrote Horace Walpole on the day after the appoint- 
ment, ' is actually Lord President, and, by all outward 
and visible signs, something more ; in short, if he don't 
overshoot himself, the Pelhams have ; the King's favour 
to him is visible, and so much credited that all the in- 
cense is oiTered to him.' Writing fi-om memory many 
years later, the same observer reports that when Gran- 
ville was wished joy on the reconciliation he replied : 
' " I am the King's President ; I know nothing of the 
Pelhams ; I have nothing to do with them." The very 

day he kissed hands, he told Lord D , one of the 

dirtiest of their creatures, " Well, my lord, here is the 
common enemy returned." ' ^ The anecdote may be 

' Mr. Nugent, afterwards Earl Nugent, at whose house Granville and 
Pelham met, told the particulars as above to the House of Commons in 
1784. Parliamenturij History, XXIV. 634. 

' Last Ten Years of C! corye he Serond, I. 171, 


true or false ; less likely perhaps to be false than true. 
Henry Pelham at least would have believed it. He had 
yielded to the King and to his brother, and had consented 
to Granville's return, though people found it difficult 
honourably to reconcile Pelham's acquiescence with his 
often-repeated statements on the subject ; but he was at 
least unfailingly consistent in his suspicion and dread 
of Granville. More than a year after Granville had 
joined the ministry, Pelham was convinced that lie was 
only lying by, waiting his opportunity which was sure 
to come. In September 1752 Pelham wrote to his 
brother :— 

' I have no reserve with regard to Lord Granville. 
I am resolved to live well with him, which I can easily 
do if we have no public meetings ; for he takes care we 
shall have no private ones. My opinion of him is the 
same it always was ; he hurries forward all these Ger- 
man affairs, because he thinks he shows his parts and 
pleases the King ; in both which I think he is mistaken.^ 
But believe me, he lies by ; he has as much vanity and 
ambition as he ever had, and he sees the King's personal 
inclination to his ministers is as it was ; he hopes there- 
fore in all these contradictory circumstances that some- 
thing may fall out, and then he is sure to succeed ; in 
which I believe he is in the right. . . . Notwithstanding 
this, when we meet at the Eegency Council, we laugh, 
and are as good friends as can be.' - 

Pelham's fears and suspicions were groundless. 
Three years of unbroken quiet passed by, and party 
politics seemed no longer to be in existence. It was 
then not Granville but Pelham himself who, in a quite 
inevitable way, opened the gates of strife again. 

' In both which the mistake was Pelham's own. 
■' Coxe, Pelhmn, II. 4.52. 




Gea>'ville lived nearly twelve years after becoming 
President of the Council, and held that office uninter- 
ruptedly till the day of his death. But his active 
political career was practically over. He continued to 
take a keen interest in political affairs ; and in the ex- 
citing domestic and foreign questions which filled the 
closing years of the reign of George H. he was always 
ready with witty speech and experienced counsel. But 
in the strife of parties he declined now to play any 
other part than that of adviser and mediator. He held 
a dignified office ; while Secretaries came and went, he 
continued to be the King's President ; his personal posi- 
tion was influential ; his advice carried with it the weight 
of the statesman who had been engaged in public affairs 
from the time when he had left the University. From 
the vulgar self-seeking of politics he had always been 
free ; and now, when years were coming upon him and 
health was failing, its legitimate ambitions had no over- 
powering attraction for him. Twice again he was 
asked to take the highest, place, and become Prime 
Minister of England, but each time he refused. PoHtical 
fate had not always used him too kindly ; he had been 
thwarted and baulked by some of the most insignificant 


beings wlio ever brought politics down to tlieir own 
low level. But he now contested it with them no longer, 
' resigned, in a big contemptuous way, to have had his 
really considerable career closed upon him by the 
smallest of mankind ; ' ^ and when the blundering in- 
capacity of Newcastle put revenge within easy reach, 
Granville refused to take it. 

The three years' political quiet ended when Pelham 
unexpectedly died on March 6, 1754. ' I shall now 
have no more peace,' said the King ; and he spoke the 
exact truth. For more than three years the political 
world at home was a chaotic scene, where ministers 
and ministries rose and fell as faction and intrigue de- 
manded. And when the miserable exhibition was over 
and a strong Government held undisputed power, Eng- 
land was engaged in a war which was not concluded 
when the King died. The strictly political history of 
the last six years of the reign of George II. is concerned 
almost exclusively with these two series of events. They 
were unconnected at first, but soon ran into each other, 
so that the settlement of what was originally a mere 
vulgar rivalry in corrupt personal politics had an im- 
portant influence upon a war which affected three 

It was easy to find a successor to Pelham's office. 
For a moment, Newcastle had gone into transports of 
grief for his brother's death, and with his customary elTu- 
siveness had declared that he would give up everything, 
and have nothing more to do with public affairs. But 
of course he soon recovered ; and, being evidently born 
to govern England, appointed himself Prime Minister 
in his brother's place. But he could not also appoint 
himself leader in the House of Commons ; and as all the 

> Oarlyle's Frederick, Book XVIII. Chap. III. 


prominent members of the Government were now in the 
House of Lords there was no one to whom, as a matter 
of course, the leadership of the Commons seemed to 
belong. Political gossip was soon busy with many 
names. Chesterfield, contemplating the confusion from 
his comparative retirement, in his usual rehgious way 
thanked God that he was now nothing but a bystander, 
and found cynical amusement in watching the mysterious 
looks and important shrugs of the small blockheads of 
politics, whose mystic solemnity on such occasions is 
sometimes seriously taken by simple persons. When 
all the irresponsible gossiping was over, it was found 
that practically there was only one man of leading 
ability in the House to whom the vacant post could be 
offered. Murray, the Attorney- General, capable of hold- 
ing any position, found no attraction in pohtics, and re- 
served himself for the highest seats of his own profession. 
Pitt, Paymaster of the Forces, had Uttle influence in the 
House where he had sat for nearly twenty years. He 
had confined his intimacy to a small knot of personal 
relatives, keeping himself apart from the mass of mem- 
bers in a hardly disguised scornful isolation. He was 
also angrily hated by the King, and to Pitt, with his 
overwhelming reverence for the royal office even in the 
person of George H., this seemed a calamity against 
which it was useless to strive. It is humiliating to read 
the words written at this time by the man who, three 
years later, was himseK the real ruler of England : — 

' All ardour for public business is really extinguished 
in mv mind, and I am totally deprived of all consider- 
ation by which alone I could have been of any use. 
The weight of irremovable royal displeasure is a load 
too great to move under ; it has sunk and broke me. I 
succumb, and wish for nothing but a decent and inno- 


cent retreat, wherein I may no longer, by continuing 
in the pubhc stream of promotion, for ever stick fast 
aground, and afford to the world the ridiculous spectacle 
of being passed by every boat that navigates the same 
river.' ^ 

Murray and Pitt being thus out of the question, 
Newcastle's choice seemed almost necessarily confined 
to Henry Fox, the Secretary at War. Strictly speaking, 
Fox had no more genuine political ambition than Murray, 
or at least he soon renounced whatever real political 
aspirations may once have attracted him. But he did 
care very much for what could be made out of politics, 
and was miserably willing to drop all aims at a distin- 
guished career and to do dirty work in the dregs of 
parliamentary life simply for the money which his 
degradation gained him. For no higher object, he was 
content to earn the sneers of his contemporaries and 
the vexed scorn of posterity. Granville in vain urged 
him the other way. Fox had not yet, however, fallen 
so low as this ; and though he showed an excessive 
eagerness to seize Pelham's vacant place, his conduct in 
the negotiations that followed contrasts very favourably 
with the proceedings of Newcastle. Pelham had died 
at six o'clock in the morning. Before eight Fox was at 
the Marquis of Hartington's, starting the necessary 
arrangements. At first they seemed to go successfully 
enough. Fox himself was to be leader of the House of 
Commons and Secretary of State. He announced it to 
a friend, with candid self-criticism : — 

' Know then the Duke of Newcastle goes to the 
head of the Treasur}-, and I am to be Secretary of 
State, of course Cabinet Councillor, and at the head of 
the House of Commons. . . . Now what do you think 

' Chntham Correspondence, I. 105. April 6, 1754. 


of ttds new Secretary of State ? Why, that he is got 
into the place in England that he is most unfit for. So 
he thinks, I can assure you.' '^ 

Newcastle, though he reserved to himself the actual 
disposal of the money spent in parhamentary corrup- 
tion — the secret-service money, as official pleasantness 
politely called it — promised that Fox should always know 
how the gifts of a grateful minister had been distributed. 
But the Duke, who watched over the bribery depart- 
ment with a timid and jealous exclusiveness, soon began 
to fear that he had offered the new Secretary too much. 
He was anxious to take back his word, yet he could 
not deny the agreement which he had made with Lord 
Hartington, the manager of the negotiations. With 
characteristic deception, Xewcastle devised a subter- 
fuge which allowed him to shnk out of his difficulty. 
He might, he said in his sleek way, have used words 
which meant what Hartington and Fox had understood 
them to mean ; but certainly he himself had never 
understood them so ; he had been thrown into such 
anxiety and affliction and grief by his brother's death 
that his memory was all upset ; but he had never in- 
tended that Fox should have anything to do with secret 
money or patronage. Fox, reasonably enough asking 
how he was to manage the House of Commons if he 
did not know who Avas bribed and who not, dechned to 
accept the leadership on these niggardly terms, and 
resigned the seals on March 14, the day after he had 
received them. Newcastle then tried a most ludicrous 
experiment. As he could not get a man of abiHty to 
accept office on the mere footing of a clerk, he resolved 
to appoint a so-called minister who would do what he 

' Fox to 'Lord Digby ; March 12, 1754. Eiyhth Repurt of the Hiit. 
MSS. Commission, p. LJl'O. 


was told and ask no questions. He selected Sir Thomas 
Robinson, the rather dull Vienna diplomatist of the 
Silesian war times ; a man who knew nothing whatever 
about parliamentary affairs. Robinson was actually 
made Secretary of State, and set at the head of the House 
of Commons. The dual leadership was indeed most 
curious. The head of the Government in the House of 
Lords was little better than an idiot ; the leader in the 
House of Commons did not know the elementary lan- 
guage of parliamentary life, and as a speaker was so 
ludicrously absurd that his best friends could not keep 
serious faces while they listened to him. 

The opportunity was too tempting to be lost by Pitt 
and Fox. Pitt,- slighted by Newcastle and neglected by 
the Court, could not be enthusiastic in support of the 
Government of which he was an inferior member ; Fox 
had just been refused a distinguished office because he 
would not accept it on ignominious conditions. I'he two 
subordinates, therefore, lately not on very good terms 
with each other, began to di-aw together. When 
Parliament met in November 17-34, Pitt and Fox made 
Robinson's life a misery to him. Pitt did not spare even 
Murray and Newcastle himself; Fox actively assisted 
Robinson in making himself ridiculous. Robinson 
pathetically declared that he had not desired the high 
office which he held. Pitt coolly replied that if any one 
else had wished it, Robinson would not have had it. 
Steady party men voted with the Government, but 
laughed while they did so. Far less than all this Avas 
enough to frighten Newcastle, and he was perplexed 
between dread of dismissing the two rebels and dread 
of keeping them. He ended by adopting the less 
dangerous plan of attempting to divide them. A neo-o- 
tiation, managed by the King's personal friend Lord 

z ■ 


Waldegrave, was opened with Fox ; and in tlie spring 
of 1755 Fox consented to enter the Cabinet and serve 
under Eobinson -ndthout attacking him. Granville, to 
whom personally it was a question of no moment, had 
judged Fox's interest and conduct in politics by his 
own high standard, and had predicted his certain pro- 
motion. ' I must tell you,' wrote Fox to his wife at the 
end of 1754, ' a compliment of Lord Granville's ima- 
gination, and whether I tell you because it is pretty, 
or because it flatters me, or both, you may judge. I 
was not present. " They must," says he, " gain Fox. 
They must not think it keeps him under in the House 
of Commons. They cannot keep him under. Mix 
liquors together, and the spirit will be uppermost." ' ^ 
Granville could not have predicted that Fox would 
soon be willing to sink to the very bottom. 

Though the alliance between Fitt and Fox was thus 
broken, the domestic dispute was still far from settled, 
and at this point it became entangled in the difficulties 
and dangers from abroad. The long truce gained Ijy 
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was nearly over ; the 
final stage of the war was threateningly near. The 
first signs of trouble came from Xorth America. Be- 
tween the English and the French Colonies in America 
there Avas no fixed and indisputable line of division. 
The French ventured to insist that the English colonists 
should confine themselves to the ground East of the 
AUeo-hanies, between the mountains and the sea. "What 
was West of the Alleghanies the French, with magni- 
ficent effrontery, claimed as their own ; and Canada 
they already had. Confused conditions and conflicting 
demands resulted in colonial war, and it was soon clear 
that the war could not be limited to the colonies. In 
1754 George AYashington, making his first historical 

' Quoted in Trevelyan's Early Life 'jf C. J. Fux, p. 10 n. 


appearance, was defeated by the French ; in the spring 
of 1755 the Enghsh Government was sending out troops 
to North America. The Frencli did the same ; and Avar 
between France and England, though as yet not formally 
declared, had practically begun. Its opening event 
was not an omen of its close. On July 9, 1755, the 
English General Braddock was surprised and defeated 
by the united French and Indians at Fort Duquesne. 
When the war ended there was no Fort Duquesne any 
longer. Its name had been changed to Pittsburg. 

In spite of the troubled condition of public affairs, 
the King refused to forego his yearly visit to Hanover. 
In his absence, important questions came before the 
ministers who formed the Eegency. One of the most 
pressing of these referred to the relations between 
England and France. One English fleet had already 
been sent to America. In July 1755 another was ready, 
but the ministrj', in the awkward state of affairs, with 
war still undeclared, were much perplexed in drawing 
up the instructions which were to guide the admiral. 
When Sir Edward Hawke sailed with his fleet, what 
was he to do with it ? The Duke of Cumberland was 
for acting as if the country was formally at war. Lord 
Chancellor Hardwicke wished for time and recom- 
mended caution. Newcastle was delightfully ridicu- 
lous. He ' gave his opinion that Hawke should take a 
turn in the Channel to exercise the fleet, without having 
any instructions whatever.'^ Imbecility of this descrip- 
tion was the Prime Minister's contribution to the 
government of the country. Granville first was of 
opinion that the English fleet should act hostilely, but 
only against French men-of-war. ' Lord Granville,' 
Fox told Dodington, ' was absolutely against meddling 

' Lord Waldegraye's Memoir.^, p. 47. 

Z 2 


with trade — he called it vexing your neighbours for a 
little muck.' ^ Granville's view seems to have been 
adopted ; but when the news of Braddock's disaster 
reached England things were recognised as serious 
beyond anticipjation, and Granville's counsel adapted 
itself to the graver circumstances. ' The Duke of 
Xewcastle in Council,' says Lord Shelbume, ' proposed 
seizing the French men-of-war. Lord Granville laughed 
at that, and was the cause of seizing the merchant-men 
upon the principle of common sense — if you hit, hit 
hard ; which measure, suggested by Lord Granville, who 
could not be considered as more than a looker-on in 
Council, saved us from ruin.' ^ Orders were sent to 
Hawke accordingly, who seized everjthing he could 
lay hands on ; yet France did not declare war. 

While his ministers were thinking of France, George 
was thinking of Hanover. For the protection of his 
inestimable possession he had been, and still was, pay- 
ing subsidies on all hands, offering money for men 
wherever a continental ruler would deal Avith him. It 
was an annoying circumstance that at the very moment 
Avhen these expensive arrangements might have been of 
some practical use the date of the termination of some 
of them fell due. George saw no remedy but to make 
new ones. At Hanover he therefore occupied himself 
with this congenial business. His treaties with Saxony 
and Bavaria were expiring ; he entered upon new 
agreements ^\'ith Hesse and even with Paissia. The 
Hessian treaty was actually concluded, and the King 
indifferently sent it over to England to be ratified as 
a matter of course. This seemingly innocent perform- 
ance had a most startling consequence. It drove the 

' Dodington's ZJiflcy ; July -1, IToo. 

^ Lord Shelbuxne's Autubioyraphy. Fit/.uiaurice'd Shdhurne, I. 7.J. 


excitable political world into a crisis which lasted for 
nearly two years. The scenes played on the stage of 
English politics between 1755 and 1757 were more hke 
the sudden changes of farce or pantomime than the sober 
proceedings of sane politicians and statesmen. They 
began when the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Legge, 
urged, it is said, by Pitt, refused to sign the Treasury 
warrants for the Hessian subsidy. Newcastle immedi- 
ately Avas filled with terrified astonishment. He hastened 
to Pitt, and with fawning flattery and maudlin fulsome- 
ness tried to secure his assistance. Pitt clearly let 
Newcastle understand that he would accept nothing 
less than the Secretaryship of State, with a Secretary's 
full powers, and that he would not support the Eussian 
subsidy, or a political system founded on subsidies. 
Newcastle was greatly distressed, but not j-et sufficiently 
intimidated to yield to Pitt's requirements. In his 
alarm he had already appealed to Granville. As soon 
as rumours of the opposition to the subsidies had begun 
to spread, Granville had said to Newcastle : ' You will 
now be served yourself as you and your brother served 
me. Your colleagues will not abuse you themselves, 
but will sit still and rather encourage the abuse than 
defend you.' ^ When Legge's terrible refusal had 
scared Newcastle out of the little sense he possessed, he 
offered to yield his place that Granville might take it ; 
but Granville, outwardly laughing, said with bitter con- 
tempt that he was not fit to be First Minister, and 
refused. Having thus failed to throw his own respon- 
sibility upon Granville, and having failed to induce Pitt 
to manage his afi"airs in the House of Commons, New- 
castle was compelled to turn once more to Pox. Gran- 
ville, though he did not know what Fox thought on the 

' Dodintton's Dmj-y ; August 18, 1755. 


subsidy question, mentioned his name to the King, and 
undertook the negotiation between Fox and Newcastle. 
The two met, Fox declaring to the Duke that this was 
the last time he would ever meet him to see if they 
could agree. Granville first proposed that Fox should 
be Chancellor of the Exchequer. Newcastle, terribly 
jealous always when the control of money was in ques- 
tion, replied that if that were so Fox and he would not 
agree for a fortnight. At last Granville arranged that 
Fox should become Secretary of State and leader of the 
House of Commons. It was much against Newcastle's 
inclination, but he could not help himself. The Lower 
House could not go on in a state of anarchy ; and ex- 
cept Fox there was no one who was willing to accept 
the management on Newcastle's terms. Eobinson was 
easily got rid of, much to his own relief, being let down 
softly with the assistance of an Irish pension ; and a 
cypher, as witty persons thought, was thus turned into 
figures. In November 1755 the House met under its 
new leader. 

A week after the meeting of parhament Pitt and 
Legge were dismissed. Pitt, though a member of the 
Government, had distinguished himself in the debate on 
the address by a very eloquent attack on Newcastle 
and Fox. In a still remembered sentence, he compared 
the union between Fox and Newcastle to the junction 
of the Pthone and Saone at Lyon. Fox after the debate 
asked Pitt Avhether the Rhone stood for himself or for 
Granville. Pitt rather enigmatically replied : ' You are 
Granville ; ' a statement very wide of the mark. Pitt's 
rhetorical triumph wa,s great ; but he could make no 
impression upon tlie position of the Government. 
AVhen parliament approved the continental treaties 
wliich the King had madf, Pitt r-ontinued to protest. 


and, resuming the old Hanoverian abuse wliich he had 
dropped while in ministerial favour, he asserted that 
England was on the way to bankruptcy for the sake 
of Hanover, a place too insignificant to be marked on 
the map of Europe. Why, he asked, should England, 
like Prometheus, be chained with fetters to that barren 
rock? Pitt took little by his oratory, and the end of 
the session silenced his parliamentary eloquence ; but 
the eloquence of facts was about to pronounce against 
the Prime Minister even more emphatically than Pitt 
himself. England declared war against France on May 
17, 1756. The spring had been an anxious one, passed 
apprehensively in the vague terrors of a dreaded in- 
vasion. As usual, England was quite unprepared for 
war. She was so deficient in men for her own protec- 
tion that she was forced to send for the Hanoverian and 
Hessian troops, due by treaty if necessary for self- 
defence ; while in the Mediterranean, Gibraltar and 
Minorca were in a very neglected condition. France 
took quick advantage of English remissness. In April 
a fleet sailed from Toulon and made for Mnorca. The 
French landed at Port Mahon; and for a month such 
garrison as there was resisted them as Avell as it could, 
till Admiral Byng (son of the Byng who had destroyed 
the Spanish fleet at Messina) came up with his fleet and 
attacked the French cruising off the island. That same 
night, May 20, having done nothing effectual against 
the enemy, Byng made off for Gibraltar, and left the 
garrison unhelped. Still for more than a month it held 
out ; but before the end of June could resist no longer, 
and the war opened for England with the loss of 

The indignation caused by this unhappy news was 
very great, and Newcastle was soon in the midst of 


another political crisis. Parliament had ended in June 
1756, while the Minorca question was still nominally 
undecided. The place of Lord Chief Justice, the object 
of Murray's ambition, was already vacant, and New- 
castle's parliamentary difficulties began afresh when 
Murray, in spite of almost boundless bribes, refused to 
sit another session in the House of Commons. He 
would be Lord Chief Justice or nothing ; the Crown, he 
said, could not give him an equivalent for the post he 
desired. A still more severe blow from the House of 
Commons came from Fox. The new Secretary of State 
had held his office for less than eight months, but he 
had already begun to find little satisfaction in it. New- 
castle treated him badly ; the King, pleased at first, had 
become cold and dissatisfied. ' His majesty,' wrote Fox 
at the close of the session, ' is, from being excessively 
pleased, become discontent with me, and cold, not to 
say very cold, to me.' ^ To stand up in the House of 
Commons single-handed against Pitt, and defend the 
so-called poHcy and apologise for the blunders of a 
minister who treated him rather as an enemy than a 
colleague, was not work for which Fox felt inchned ; 
and in October he informed Newcastle that he intended 
to resign. Once more GranviUe was called in to 
arrange things for Fox, though Granville did not 
altogether approve of the resignation. On October 15 
he took to the King a letter from Fox. He had behaved 
to Newcastle, Fox wrote, as well as he was able, yet he 
Avas not supported ; his credit in the House of Commons 
was accordingly diminished, and he could not carry on 
the business any longer. Newcastle was negotiating 
Avith Pitt ; let Pitt become Secretary of State, and Fox 

1 Fox to Sir C. IT. Williams ; May iTi, 1756. Add. MSS. 9,19G ; fcl. 



would willingly make room for him. With this letter 
Granville Avent to the King. The account of the inter- 
view must be given by Horace Walpole : — 

' When Granville arrived with this letter at Ken- 
sington, he said, " I suppose your majesty knows what 
I am bringing." " Yes," replied the King, " and I 
dare say you disapproved and dissuaded it." "Yes, 
indeed. Sir," said he (as he repeated the dialogue him- 
self to Fox : " And why did you say so ? " asked Fox. 
" Oh ! " said he, shuffling it off with a laugh, " you know 
one must, one must").^ The King, whom Newcastle 
had just left, seemed much irritated against Fox, talked 
of his ingratitude and ambition, quoted the friends of 
Fox that he had preferred . . . and when he had 
vented his anger against Fox, he abruptly asked Lord 
Granville: "Would you advise me to take Pitt.'^" 
" Sir," said he, " you must take somebody." " What ! " 
cried the King, " would you bear Pitt over you ? " 
" While I am your majesty's President," replied the 
Earl, " nobody will be over me." The King then abused 
Lord Temple much ; and at last broke forth the secret 
of his heart. " I am sure," said he, " Pitt will not do 
1111/ basiuess." " You know," said Lord Granville to 
Fox, " what jjii/ hiLsiiiess meant : — Hanover." The 
supposition did honour to Pitt — but it seems the King 
did not know him."'^ 

Granville reported the result of the interview to 
Newcastle as well as to Fox. ' Lord Granville told 
me,' wrote Newcastle to his monitor Hardwicke, ' that 

' There was no dissimulation on Granville's part. He did not approve 
of Fox's resignation. See Newcastle's letter, p. .340, where Granville says 
that he will ' still endeavour to make him [Fox] alter his mind ; ' and also 
his conversation with Fox after the resignation was accomplished. 

- Horace Walpole's Last Ten Years of the JReign of Oeorye II., IT. 
80, 90. 


he found the King Avas so angry with Fox that he had 
rather have anybody than him. The King underhned 
the paper, in Lord Granville's presence, to show him 
what part he was offended at. The King told Granville 
that he had done too much for Fox . . . and then 
ordered my Lord Granville to tell Fox that he was 
much offended at this step, and that he would have him 
appeal to his own conscience whether he had done 
right in these circumstances. 'Mj Lord Granville told 
me he should carry the answer immediately, that he 
should not repeat the strong things which the King 
said, that he would do no hurt, that he would still 
endeavour to make him alter his mind, if it was only 
for one session. But this makes it absolutely necessary 
not to lose a moment in applying to ]^Ir. Pitt.' ^ 

Fox could not alter his mind. On October 18 he 
had his parting audience with the King, who was calm 
and serious, said Fox, full of anger, but determined not 
to show it. From the King Fox went to Granville, and 
received a rebuke which he had probably not expected. 
He was beginning the catalogue of his complaints with 
an affected declaration that he had no ambition and, 
after all, did not very much care, when Granville, ' that 
shrewd jolly man,' as Horace Walpole calls him, inter- 
rupted these fluent professions of indifference. ' Fox,' 
said Granville, ' I don't love to have you say things 
that will not be believed. If you was of my age 
[Granville was now sixty-six], very well; I have put 
on my night-cap ; there is no more day-hght for me — 
but you should be ambitious. I want to instil a noble 
ambition into jou ; to make you knock the heads of 
the Kings of Europe together, and jumble something 

' Xewcaitle to Ilardwicke ; Oct. 15, 1750. Harris' Sardicicke, III. 


out of it tliat may be of service to this country.' ^ But 
to appeals of this kind Fox was deaf. 

Newcastle was indeed in a distressing case. Murray 
had left him, Fox had left him, and now that these two 
were gone there was not a man in the House of Com- 
mons who had courage to look Pitt in the face. In his 
fright and anxiety for self-preservation, Newcastle had 
already recognised the necessity of securing Pitt. He 
had been scheming for this even before Fox's resigna- 
tion ; he became painfully eager for it when it was clear 
that Fox would certainly go. But when he sounded 
Pitt he got a blank refusal. As Granville had answered 
Newcastle's proposals with the bitter retort that he was 
not competent to be First Minister, so now Pitt severely 
replied that he could never presume to be the associate 
of so experienced a statesman as Newcastle. Pitt was 
resolved to join no ministry of which Newcastle was 
the head. Newcastle began to think that it was a very 
wicked world. It is amusing to hsten to the querulous 
asseverations which he lavished on Hardwicke, protest- 
ing his own innocence so often that at last he came to 
believe it, and full of an open-eyed astonishment that 
the political world could venture to exist in a manner 
which was unsatisfactory to him. He felt himself the 
cruelly treated centre of a deeply tragic performance. 
' A consciousness of my own innocence, and an indiifer- 
ence as to my own situation may, and I hope in God 
will, support me against all the wickedness and ingra- 
titude which I meet with. . . . My dearest, dearest 
lord, you know, you see, how cruelly I am treated, and 
indeed persecuted by all those who now surround the 
King.' "^ It does not seem to have occurred to him 

' H. A^'alpole's Last Ten Years, II. 68. 

" Newcastle to Hardwicke, Oct.' and Nov. 1756. Harris' Hardioicke, 
III. 80-81'. 


that, as he and his management were an unrelieved 
failure, his straightforward course was to resign. 
Straightforward things never did occur to him. Eather 
than resign, he was willing, since all his other attempts 
had failed, to humiliate himself once more before the 
dreaded Granville. When Pitt refused assistance, 
Xewcastle hastened to Granville, and implored him to 
exchange places with him and become Prime Minister. 
Granville, old, and in poor health, knew far better than 
to quit his dignified, position and spoil the last few 
years of his life for the personal convenience of the 
Duke of Xewcastle. ' I thought,' he said in his homely 
style, ' I had cured you of such offers last year. I will 
be hanged a httle before I take your place, rather than 
a httle after.' ^ If Granville had cared, which he never 
did, for personal revenge, he might have had his feelings 
of triumph . The false and foohsh politician, who had 
intrigued against him and driven him from power, had 
now a second time gone down on his knees to him, 
begging him to take the highest post, and had been 
twice refused. Xewcastle could do no more. Deserted 
by Fox, scorned by Pitt, contemptuously let alone by 
Granville, he could chng , to power no longer. On 
November 11 he unwillingly resigned. 

All necessary arrangements had already been made. 
The King had first desired that Pitt and Pox sliould 
sink past differences and join in one administration. 
But Pitt refused to act with Fox. The Duke of Devon- 
shire, to whom the King then appealed, attempted a 
reconcihation, but found Pitt inflexible. The King 
complained bitterly of what he called the insolent way 
in which Pitt treated him, and lamented, as he Avell 
might, the miserable condition of pubhc affairs. But 

' Last Ten Tears, 11. r^l . h^. 


the distressing confusion only made Pitt's assistance 
more tlian ever desirable, and one last effort was made 
to obtain it. It was resolved to draw up in writing a 
scheme of administration and policy, and to ask Pitt to 
accept that scheme and join the Government of the 
Duke of Devonshire ; if, after all, he refused, a Govern- 
ment must then be formed without him. On November 2, 
Granville, who had himself composed the document, 
presented it to the King. It was a short paper, but 
' replete with good sense ; ' ^ and the offers which it 
made were such that Pitt could not with any show of 
reason refuse them. He agreed, therefore, to become 
Secretary of State in the Government of which the Duke 
of Devonshire was the nominal head. 

Innocent onlookers might have supposed that now, 
at the end of 1756, the long political crisis was at 
last over. Cynics with a turn for prophecy might have 
safely asserted that the real crisis was only just begin- 
ning. When Parliament met in December, the House 
of Lords, against the opinion of Pitt's brother-in-law. 
Temple, thanked the King for the presence of his 
Electoral troops from Hanover. Pitt in the height of 
the invasion panic had opposed the demand for these 
troops, and the address of the House of Commons 
offered no congratulations on the subject. The King, 
encouraged by the action of the Lords, insisted that 
the Commons should take back their address and insert 
a corresponding paragraph. Pitt, who did not go 
through the formahties of accepting office till December 
4, two days after the meeting of parhament, at once 
let it be understood that he would not accept the seals 
if the King attempted anything of the kind. At this 
point Granville struck into the dispute, and persuaded 

' Duke of Bedford to his Duchess; jSTov. 2, 1750. Lord J. Eussell's 
Bedford Correspondence, II. 208. 


the King to give way. Even before this the King had 
shown his dissatisfaction. The royal speech was Pitt's 
work, and George dishked it. In private conversation 
he did not care to conceal his sentiments. An adven- 
turous printer had pubhshed a spurious speech, and was 
to be punished for so great a breach of privilege. The 
King, when he heard of it, hoped that the punishment 
would be of the very slightest description ; for he had 
read both speeches, and said that, as far as he under- 
stood either of them, he liked the forged one better 
than his own. In addition to this discontent on pub- 
he grounds, the King soon conceived a personal irrita- 
tion against Pitt and Temple. They did not manage 
their official intercourse with him in the prompt busi- 
ness manner which he liked, and wearied him with 
rhetoric and long speeches. Pitt, indeed, had few 
opportunities of personally offending, for gout kept him 
much away from Court and Council. When he did 
appear in the Cabinet, his haughty mind, harassed by a 
sick body, produced such wild and impracticable 
schemes that Granville, who thoroughly recognised 
Pitt's powers, said once after a Council-meeting : ' Pitt 
used to call me madman, but I never was half so mad 
as he is.' Little, however, as he saw of the Secretary, 
George in the early spring of 1757 had had quite enough 
of him, while he found Temple positively unbearable. 
A disagreeable fellow, the King called Temple ; pert and 
insolent when he attempted to argue, and exceedingly 
troublesome when he meant to be civil. In his exagger- 
ating way, the King was soon declaring that he was 
in the hands of scoundrel?, and would endure their 
insolence no longer. These royal phrases were more 
than mere irritated rhetoric. Early in April 1757 
the Kincr ordered Pitt to resign. 


For eleven weeks England was without a settled 
Government. Before actually dismissing Pitt, the King 
in his angry distress had sounded Newcastle. The 
Duke was eager enough to return to power, but he 
was terribly afraid of the political difficulties of the 
time, and he dreaded the resentment of Pitt. He was 
so irresolute and changeable that the King's patience 
was completely exhausted, and he turned to Fox. But 
the plan which Fox drew up came to nothing, and 
when Pitt was dismissed there was no one ready to 
succeed him. Whilst freedoms and gold boxes innumer- 
able were being lavished on the fallen Secretary, the 
sovereign was in a deplorable condition, and statesmen 
were busily devising fantastic combinations which fell 
to pieces before they could be completed. Newcastle 
attempted to gain over Pitt, and Pitt contemptuously 
refused to have anything to do with him. The Duke 
solemnly declared that he would never again dream 
of Pitt as a colleague ; and a few days afterwards was 
importuning him more than ever. Pitt, swallowing his 
contempt, this time agreed. The King then reappeared 
on the scene, and, having given Newcastle permission 
to treat with Pitt, refused the plan which the two 
had drawn up. Newcastle testily retorted that now he 
would not act at all without Pitt ; the King sulked, and 
declared that he was very badly used. So the confused 
scene changed to worse confusion every da}^ At last a 
little light seemed to break when Waldegrave, the King's 
personal friend, undertook, though reluctantly, the for- 
mation of a Government. He made some progress, 
although Fox, who was to be a leading member, did 
not seem very confident of success. But Granville en- 
couraged them : — 

' However we were somewhat animated by Lord 


Granville, who assured us, in his lively manner, that 
we could not fail of success. That the whole force of 
Government was now firmly united ; Army, Kavy, Trea- 
sury, Church, and all their subordinate branches. That 
though volunteers did not come in so fast as had been 
expected, we had the whole summer before us to raise 
recruits : and though of late years ministers did not 
think themselves safe without a majority in the House 
of Commons of 150 or 200, he remembered the time 
when twenty or thirty were thought more than suffi- 

This arrangement under Pox and Waldegrave might 
possibly have worked ; Newcastle evidently feared that 
it would. A Government concerning which his opinion 
had not been asked, and from which he was himself 
excluded, was on the point of completion. If intrigue 
could do anything, Newcastle was resolved that such a 
settlement should go no further. Eemembering his 
successful tactics of more than ten years ago, he 
secretly worked upon Lord Holderness, the cypher 
Secretary of State, and persuaded him to resign. The 
King too remembered what had followed Harrington's 
retirement ; and though he accepted Holderness's resig- 
nation with angry dignity, he declined to enter upon a 
hopeless contest. Other resignations would be sure to 
follow, he dispiritedly complained ; almost everybody 
was abandoning him. Richard, mon Roi ! He 
refused to put Waldegrave and Fox, who were trying 
to serve him, to any further useless trouble, and agreed 
to accept any arrangement which Newcastle and his 
'footmen' could make with Pitt. Each side having 
been convinced of its need of the other, an accommoda- 
tion was not difficult. To Newcastle, with the title of 

' Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs, p. 122. 


Prime Minister, Pitt very Avillingly left the whole 
department of patronage and corruption ; while Pitt 
himself, at the end of June, received back the seals as 
Secretary of State, and with them the practical direction 
of the policy of the Government. 

The story of the Seven Years' War belongs, as far 
as English political history is concerned, to the life of 
Pitt. Party politics seemed to have fallen dead. Parlia- 
ment met to vote subsidies to Frederick and to sanction 
the requirements of Pitt ; otherwise it had nothing to 
find fault with, and nothing to do. Everything was 
managed by seven or eight of the leading members of 
the administration, who formed a small governing body 
wliich Granville called the Conciliabulum. In this little 
council, Pitt and Hardwicke, Granville and Newcastle, 
met on friendly terms ; always meaning to agree, wrote 
their Secretary at War, who was not one of the privileged 
number, or, if they differed, differing amicably. ' I never,' 
writes War Secretary Lord Barrington, 'remember the 
country so much united in its politics, or in such good 
humour with its ministers. . . . The Duke of Newcastle, 
Lord President, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Mansfield, the 
two Secretaries of State, and Lord Anson form what Lord 
Granville calls the Concilialmlum. They meet continu- 
ally, and their opinion is the advice given to the King. 
They always mean to agree, and if they differ, thej' 
differ amicably. I am convinced at present there is 
not a man among them Avho wishes ill to the others, 
and who is not persuaded that any rupture, or even 
ill-will, would be a misfortune to himself'-^ Lord 
Slielburne's testimon}' on this point is indisputable. 
' I have heard Lord Chatham say,' Shelburne writes, 

' Barrington to Sir Audrew Mitchell ; Dec. 11,170". Add. 51SS. 6,801 ; 
lol. 11-14. 

A A 


' they were the most agreeable conversations he ever 
experienced ' : — 

' The war produced a strong Council and a strong 
Government. The Cabinet Council was composed of the 
Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Pitt, Secretary of State, Lord 
Keeper Henley, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Mansfield, Lord 
Granville, Lord Holdernesse, Lord Anson, and Lord 
Ligonier. There were no party politics, and conse- 
quently no difference of opinion. I have heard Lord 
Chatham say they were the most agreeable conversations 
he ever experienced. The Duke of Xewcastle, a very 
good-humoured man, Avas abundantly content with the 
whole patronage being left to him. . . . Lord Hardwicke 
. . . was kept in order by Lord Granville's wit, who 
took advantage of the meeting of the balance of all 
parties to pay off old scores, and to return all that 
he owed to the Pelhams and the Yorkes. He had a 
rooted aversion to Lord Hardwicke and to all his 
family, I don't precisely know for what reason, but he 
got the secret of cowing Lord Hardwicke, whose pre- 
tensions to classical learning gave Lord Granville, who 
really was a very fine classical scholar, a great oppor- 
tunity. To this was added his knowledge of civil law, 
in which Lord Hardwicke was deficient, and, above all, 
his wit ; but whatever way he got the key, he used it 
on all occasions unmercifully. In one of the short-lived 
administrations at the commencement of the war. Lord 
Granville, who had generally dined, turned round to say, 
' I am thinking that all over Europe they are waiting 
our determination and canvassing our characters. The 
Duke of Xe\vcastle, they'll say, is a man of great fortune, 
who has spent a great deal of it in support of the pre- 
sent family. Fox, they'll say, is an impudent fellow who 
has fought his way here through the House of Com- 


mons ; as for me, they know me throughout Europe, 
they know my talents and my character ; but I am 
thinking they will all be asking, Qui est ce diable de 
Chancelier 1 How came he here ? '^ 

The nation was as singularly harmonious as tlie 
Cabinet, proud of the victories which were being won 
in three continents, and of the great minister who in- 
spired them. So the last three years of George II. 's 
reign passed away in political quiet and satisfaction. 
But with the death of the old King, whose sad ministerial 
troubles had ended so happily after all, there came a 
very great change. An uneducated, inexperienced, nar- 
row-minded young Prince succeeded to the throne, and 
the policj' of his mother and her favourite was not the 
policy of Pitt. Their first anxious determination was to 
get rid of the minister ; their second, to end the war. 
In order that a German Princess might see carried out 
in England the political principles which were the pride 
of the most absurdly insignificant German Courts, Pitt 
himself Avas to be dismissed, and his great work Avas to 
be hacked and botched by an almost unknown Scotch 
peer of the Court groom species, distinguished for 
nothing but his fine legs and his turn for the amateur 
stage. Bute, indeed, looked terribly Avise, and had a 
great deal of pompous mystery about him ; he liked to 
be in solemn solitariness, and when he was minister 
always went down the back stairs at Court. He had as 
much classical learning as he could pick out of a Prench 
translation, and he kncAv what history could be learned 
from tragedies. But there he stopped. On the side of 
public affairs, his sole qualification for attempting to 
direct political events that concerned three continents 

' Fitzmaurice's Shelburne, 1. 85-87. 

A A 2 


was the fact that he had lived for many years in 
the Hebrides. 

Bute's proceedings were not long delayed. In March 
1761, having removed from the Government men whose 
opinions were likely to be in the way, and having filled 
their places with others who could be trusted to do 
precisely what the new King and Court desired them to 
do, Bute made himself Secretary of State. Pitt still 
remained, holding his post with great loyalty, though 
the desio-ns of the Court against him were only too 
clear. He was even perfectly wilhng to make peace 
with France if he could obtain duly satisfactory terms. 
France in her very low condition desired nothing better 
than to be out of the war altogether, and especially to 
settle her English quarrel, which lay quite apart from 
the main continental question. In the same month in 
which Bute introduced himself into the Government, 
the Due de Choiseul attempted negotiations with Pitt. 
On April 5 Granville wrote to Pitt : — 

' Lord Granville presents his compliruents to ilr. 
Pitt, and thanks him for the communication of his 
answer to the Due de Choiseul, together with the draught 
of the memorial.' 

Then Gran\'ille continues in the first person : — 

' Xeither of these draughts can, in my judgment, be 
mended ; and when this great afiair comes out into the 
world, every person of candour will agree to impute 
the happy setting out of this great affair, as well as the 
success of it. which God grant, to the right author ; whose 
spirit, and perseverance, and judgment, under some dis- 
couragements, to my own knowledge have produced 
this salutary WDrk. Ever yours, 

' Geaxville.' ^ 

' Chatham Corrr:!<p'.ii'h lUje, II. 113,114. 


Early in June an English agent arrived at Paris, 
and a French one came to London, to conduct the nego- 
tiations. Pitt's terms Avere very high. Fresh victories 
were still improving his position, and he was not in- 
chned to yield a single advantage which he had gained. 
He had taken Belleisle and made new conquests in the 
East and West Indies while the peace negotiations were 
in progress ; and on any concession to France in the 
Canada and Newfoundland region he was inexorable. 
' Not the breadth of a blanket,' he privately said, when De 
Choiseul urged some small footing for the French fisher- 
men in Newfoundland waters. Yet still there seemed 
some probability that France would accept the English 
conditions. The offers of France were undoubtedly 
large. The Duke of Bedford, who was soon to take a 
not very creditable part in the final arrangements, says 
that in July Granville considered the agreement which 
the French seemed wilHng to make more advantageous 
to England than any ever concluded with France since 
the time of Henry Y} But Pitt was already seriously 
suspicious that there was something hidden behind 
Choiseul's proposals. On July 15, France dragged Spain 
into the negotiations, suggesting that King Carlos might 
mediate between France and England. Pitt indignantly 
refused to allow Spain any voice in the question. The 
meetings of the Coiic'iUabuluni became very animated. 
Horace Walpole reports one in August, when Pitt pro- 
duced, at the request of the Council, a draught of the 
final concessions which could be offered to France. The 
ministers thought the document drawn i-ather too much 
in the style of an ultimatum ; Granville thought its fine 
phrases too rhetorical for a paper on business of state. 
' Lord Granville took the draught, and a})plauded it 

' Lord John Russell's Bedford Correspondence, III. 20. 


esceedingly , said it deserved to be inserted in the Acta 
Regia ; but for his part he did not love fine letters on 
business.' With humorous and good-natured exaggera- 
tion Granville added that he thought in negotiations 
bad Latin was better than good. This not very severe 
criticism produced an excited outburst from Pitt. Not 
an iota of his letter should be altered, he said. Bussy, 
tlie French negotiator, had had some communications 
Avith Granville. ' I understand from Bussy ' — began 
Granville, when Pitt interrupted : 'From Bussy? nor you, 
nor any of you shall treat with Bussy : nobody shall but 
myseK.' ^ But at the next meeting Pitt was more moder- 
ate, and admitted some small modifications. The nego- 
tiations, however, such as they were, came soon to an 
abrupt close. On August 1-5, 1761, there was signed 
between France and Spain a Family Compact, which 
plainly meant that Spain Avould join France in the 
war against England. Pitt received early and secret 
information. Clearly understanding the meaning of 
the news, and seeing that Spain wa> only awaiting a 
favourable opportunity for declaring war, Pitt resolved 
to forestall her in that. On September 18 he informed 
the Council of this private Bourbon aUiance, and pro- 
posed immediate war with Spain. Granville desired time 
to consider so important a step. A second meeting was 
held, from which Granville was aljsent. and at which no 
resolution was taken. On October 2 the Council held 
a third and very important meeting. Pitt spoke with 
strong feeling, and said that if his advice were rejected 
he would not sit in that Council again. Lord after Lord 
delivered his opinion (except Pitt himself there was not 
a Commoner in the Cabinet), Granville, Devonshire, 
Hardwicke, Newcastle, Anson, Ligonier, Mansfield, Bute, 

' H. Walpole's .Vfmji'rs of George III., I. GS, 69. 


and not one of them supported Pitt's proposal. Except 
for his brother-in-law Temple, Pitt stood absolutely 
alone. He virtually resigned. It fell to Granville, as 
President of the Council, to speak in the name of the 
Cabinet on this occasion. The very imperfect accounts 
that remain give curiously discrepant reports of the 
language which Granville is said to have employed. 
But even without other direct evidence which fortunately 
exists on this matter, no one well acquainted with 
Granville's career and character could believe that 
he spoke the words which are put into his mouth by 
the enemies of Pitt. If this account^ were to be be- 
lieved, Granville addressed Pitt in a very contemptuous 
manner : — 

' I find,' says this report, ' that the gentleman is 
determined to leave us, nor can I say that I am sorry 
for it, for otherwise he would have compelled us to 
leave him ; but if he be resolved to assume the right 
of advising his majesty, and directing the operations 
of the war, for what purpose are we called to Council ? 
When he talks of being responsible to the people, he 
talks the language of the House of Commons, and for- 
gets that at this board he is only responsible to the King. 
However, although he may possibly have convinced 
himself of his infalUbiUty, it remains that we also should 
be equally convinced, before we resign our understand- 
ings to his direction, or join with him in the measure 
which he proposes.' 

' I am sorry old Carteret should have ended so ! ' 
laments Carl}de. It is very certain that old Carteret 

' It originally appeared in the Annual Register for 1761, pp. 43, 44, and 
•was adopted by the Rev. Francis Thackeray in his distressiufr Life of Pitt. 
Unfortunately, Carlyle followed Thackeray in this instance (Frederick,liook 
XX. Ohap. X.), and so has given currency to what might otherwise have 
been contemptuously rejected. 


did not at all end so. Instead of scornfuU}' sneering at 
Pitt's infallibility and openly exulting over his departure 
from the ministry, Granville expressed in the most em- 
phatic way his admiration for Pitt and his regret for his 
resignation. The various historical chroniclers admit 
that there is this other version ; but apart from this 
the whole point is cleared up in the simplest and most 
satisfactory of ways. Granville himself repeatedly 
denied that he had ever used the language which this 
forged speech ascribed to him ; and a contradiction and 
explanation appeared in print in 1763, a few months 
after Granville's death. Almon, the bookseller, a great 
admirer of Pitt, wrote in 1763 a 'Review of Lord 
Bute's Administration,' and its first pages, printed before 
Bute actually resigned, tell the story of this spurious 
speech ; — 

• After Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple had taken their 
leaves of the third and last Council summoned to dehber- 
ate ontlie conduct of Spain, the late Earl Granville, then 
Lord President, ro~e up to speak. Upcjn this occa- 
sion those ministerial tools ""supporters of Bute! already 
refuted, framed a speech out of their own heads, and 
printed it ai the genuine one of Lord Gran\-ille's. The 
world read thi- invented speech no doubt with astonish- 
ment; but hi- lordship, in order to do justice to himself, 
several times declared that there was not even one word 
of truth in that spurious production ; that so far from 
its containing any oi hiv sentimeiits, it was just the con- 
trarv ; for at that time he expres-ed(in liis own nervou- 
and manly eloquence) Ins very high opinion of ^h. Pitt's 
wisdom, penetration, abilities, honour, and iategrity, 
and in a very particular and mn-t emphatical manner 
-poke of the innumerable and almost insurmountable 
difiicultie- which Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple had had 


to struggle with.' ^ These words precisely correspond 
with those used by Granville in his letter to Pitt already 
quoted. Internal evidence would of itself have been 
sufficient. Granville did not at the very end of his life 
lose the courtesy and high spirit which had distinguished 
him from the besinninff. 

Pitt resigned office on October 5. Within three 
months his policy was clearly justified by the English 
declaration of war against Spain. Granville, in a 
divided Cabinet, was one of the advocates for war. The 
English successes in 1762 were very brilliant, but of no 
personal service to Bute, for they were rightly ascribed 
to the preparations and policy of Pitt. They were 
rather an embarrassment to the unpopular Secretary of 
State ; for they did not increase the chances of a speedy 
peace, and Bute was bent on ending the struggle. He 
managed to make a considerable advance towards his 
object when he appointed himself Premier in May. 
Newcastle, persistently slighted by Bute and the young 
King, resigned in disgust, and Bute appropriated the 
highest place. He used his greater power to press the 
policy which he had been attempting to carry out even 
while Pitt was still in the Cabinet. From the party of 
the Whigs he had gained over, among others, the Duke of 
Bedford. To him Bute entrusted the negotiations with 
France, and in November preliminaries were signed. 
Bedford's own eagerness for peace was so great that 
he was willing to agree to worse terms than even Bute 
himself Bedford regretted the English victories of 
1761 ; he desired to abandon Frederick entirely; he 
would have let Spain recover Havana for nothing. The 
chief matter for wonder is that the peace, in the hands of 
a negotiator of this stamp, was so very advantageous as 

' Almon's Beview of Lord Bute's Administration, pp. 7,8. 


it really was. Its treatment of Frederick was by no 
means chivalrous ; its absurd disregard of valuable con- 
quests which England was making while the negotiations 
were still in progress was inexcusably careless; but 
otherwise it was a peace extremely favourable to Eng- 
land, though some concessions were admitted which 
Pitt would have refused. Pitt would have done his 
Ijest to utterly ruin France as a commercial and naval 
power. The actual settlement made by Bute was pro- 
baljly wiser in pohcy ; though Bute's action rested on 
vindictive hatred of the great statesman and on a 
shameful want of patriotic feeling. The peace in itself 
was nationally advantageous, but personally disgraceful 
to the minister who negotiated it. 

But Bute's eagerness for peace was not shared by the 
country, which Avas proud of what it had done, and 
ashamed of deserting Frederick. Pitt's popularity, lost 
for a moment when, on his resignation, his wife became 
Baroness Chatham and he himself accepted a pension, 
had almost instantly returned, while Bute was the most 
unpopular man in the kingdom. If then the Court 
party hoped to consummate its pohcy by obtaining 
parhamentary approval of the peace, parHament must 
in some way be prevented from reflecting what was 
evidentlv the feehng of the nation. To assist him in 
this degrading jobbery, Bute found a willing tool in 
Fox, whose passion for money-making had already sunk 
him very low in his office of Paymaster. Bribed by a 
seat in the Cabinet, and the promise of a peerage, Fox 
undertook to secure a majority for the peace. When 
parliament met in Xovember 1702 it was evident that 
he had kept his Avord. In the Lords, Bute was in no 
danger ; in the Cominrins, Fox's briljes had carried all 
before them. The only opposition worth speaking of 


came from Pitt, who, though very ill and permitted to 
sit during the greater part of his speech, opposed the 
peace in a harangue of three hours and a half. A 
majority of five to one approved the negotiations, and 
the Court triumphed. 

Meanwhile Granville was dying. For the last three 
or four years he had been slowly but visibly declining. 
Yet his spirits remained unbroken, and his interest in 
men and affairs undiminished. ' Lord Granville,' wrote 
his friend. Lord Hyde, to Sir Andrew Mitchell at Berlin, 
' is much as he was as to spirits and dignity, at least 
to us, who see him daily and partially. Perhaps you 
would perceive that time had made its impression and 
lessened both. We often talk you over and wish for 
the stories we are to have when you return.' ^ This 
was eighteen months before Granville's death ; he and 
Hyde never had Mitchell's stories of the war and Fred- 
erick. In May 1762 Horace Walpole told Mann that 
Granville was much broken. In December Chesterfield 
at Bath heard that Granville was dying. ' When he 
dies,' wrote Chesterfield, ' the ablest head in England 
dies too, take it for all in all.' Granville was b}' this 
time so far gone that his best friends could not desire 
the lengthening of his life. ' He was almost bent double, 
worn to a skeleton, quite lost the use of his legs, and 
spent the best part of the day in dozing.' - But he 
gave a most characteristic illustration of the old Car- 
teret high spirit, culture, and patriotism when he was 
actually on his death-bed. Eobert AVood, author of an 
Essay on The Orii^/iiial Genius of Homer, which inter- 
ested Goethe in his younger days, was Under Secretary 
of State in the closing period of the Seven Years' War, 

1 Bisset's Memoirs of Sir A. Mitchell, I. 156. June 27, 17G1. 
' Add. MSS. 30,099; fol, 16. 


and frequently had interviews on business with Granville. 
The occasions were few, says Wood, on which Granville, 
after giving his commands on state affairs, did not 
turn the conversation to Greece and Homer. A few 
days before Granville died, Wood was ordered to wait 
upon him with the preliminary articles of the Peace 
of Paris. ' I found him,' writes Wood in the Intro- 
duction to his Essay, ' so languid that I proposed post- 
poning my business for another time ; but he insisted 
that I should stay, saying it could not prolong his hfe 
to neglect his duty ; and repeating the following passage 
out of Sarpedon's speech, he dwelled with particular 
emphasis on the third line, which recalled to his mind 
the distinguished part he had taken in public affairs : — 

O irsirov, si fisv lyap iroKsfiov Trspl tovBs (pvyovTsi 
alsl Srj ^iXKoifisv wyripai t dOavdro) rs 
hacTea6\ ovtb kev avros svl irpwTOLcn p.w^^ol/j.rjv 
ovTS Ks as aTsX\oi/j,i /jid'^'ijv is KvBidvsipav 
vvv 8' (s/u,7r7]s rydp Krjpss icpscTTaaiv Oavdroio 
jjivpiai, as ovK sari (pvyslv ^porov ovS' inrakv^ai) 


' His lordship repeated the last word several times 
with a calm and determined resignation ; and after a 
serious pause of some minutes, he desired to hear the 
treaty read, to which he listened with great attention, 
and recovered spirits enough to declare the approbation 
of a dying statesman (I use his own words) " on the 
most glorious war and most honourable peace this 
nation ever saw.'' ' - 

This was the last scene. Granville, aged seventy- 

■ Iliad XII. 3-'2-328. 

^ "\\'ocd's Essay, p. u n. (Ed. 1>:24). Mattliew Arnold, On Translating 
IIunir,-,-p. 18, quotes tbis last episode in Granville't life a.s ' exliiljiting the 
English aristocracy at its vtiT height of culture, loft)- .'Spirit, and gieatness.' 


three, died on January 2, 1763. 'He died at Bath, 
previous to which he was dehrious, and imagined him- 
self in tlie other world, where, meeting an old Clerk of 
the House of Commons, he gave him an account of all 
that had happened in the interval between their deaths 
with infinite wit, accuracy, and humour, insomuch that 
it was a pity it was not taken down.' ^ He was buried 
among his ancestors in "Westminster Abbey. One may 
regret the loss of the last flashes of Granville's wit and 
humour ; but his quotation of Sarpedon's words to 
Glaucus formed a more fitting close to his life than the 
wittiest of parhamentary gossip. ' For if, escaping the 
present combat, we might be for ever undecaying and 
immortal, neither would I myself fight among the fore- 
most nor would I urge you on to the glorious battle ; 
but now — for a thousand fates of death stand close to 
us always, and no mortal can escape or evade them — 
let us go.' 

' Lord Shelburne's Autobioyraphy. Granville did not die at Bath, but 
at his own house in Arlington Street. 




Lr the mid.-t of the busy excitement of the life of a 
political leader, one of Carteret's frequent phrases was : 
' I love my fireside.' When he became practically 
Prime Minister, Carteret had refused to attend thej/reat 
political gathering at the Fountain on the plea that 
he never dined at a tavern. His private life v^as 
an exceed ini/l J" happy one ; and, in spite of the coarse 
licence which much of the political criticism of liLs day 
allowed itself, the most unscrupulous enemy found it 
impossible to employ against Carteret the satirical 
abuse or malicious hbelling to which the notorious 
lives of too many eighteenth-century politicians so 
easily expo-ed them. Svvift, who had no foible of 
unduly flattering the great, in 1724 dedicated a poem 
to Carteret as ' Manly Virtue ' per-onified. Carteret 
had married almost immediately after leaving the 
University ; and Sv.-ift humorously apologise- for the 
fact that ' durir,g the prime of youth, spirits, and vigour, 
he has in a most exemplary manner led a regular 
domestic hfe ; discover- a great esteem and friendship 
and love for his lady, as well a- true affection for his 
children.' His house was exceedingly ho-pitable; his 
familv was nuinerou-, and their alliances splendid and 
prosperous. Speaking once in one of the innumerable 
debates on the Hanoverian troops, Carteret said : — 


' I hope it cannot be suspected of me that I prefer 
any mterest to that of my native country, in which I 
hazard too much not to wish its prosperity ; for I am 
alhed, my lords, to most of the principal houses in the 
kingdom, and can number a very great part of this 
august assembly among my relations.' 

Swift, writing on the occasion of the marriage of 
one of Carteret's daughters, said that he thought Carte- 
ret the happiest man in all circumstances of life that 
he had ever known ; and Pelham held that if Carteret 
could make as good foreign alliances for his country as 
he had made domestic settlements for his family, he 
would be the ablest minister that England had ever 

The head of the Carteret family till Carteret himself 
■was fifty-four years old was his mother, Grace, Vis- 
countess Carteret and Countess Granville. She was the 
youngest daugliter of Sir John Granville, Earl of Bath. 
Her husband George, Baron Carteret, died in 1605, and 
she survived him for half a century, but did not marry 
again. She lived to be ninety, dying on the same day 
(October 18, 1744) as old Sarah of Marlborough. She 
seems to have had much force and decisiveness of 
character, and a frank, even sharp plain-spokenness 
which keenly sensitive persons found rather trying. It 
was perhaps from her that Carteret inherited the homely 
directness and idiomatic force which marked his pri- 
vate conversation and were not excluded from his 
stately parliamentary eloquence. Swift would not like 
Countess Granville the less for the plainness of her 
speech; and she shared the intimacy with the Dean, 
Avhich it seemed a law of nature that every member of 
Carteret's household should enjoy. From Hawnes, 
Carteret's seat in Bedfordshire, she wrote to Swift 


in the early years of her sou's opp(jiitioii to Wal- 
pole : — 

' Deae Sir, — I have received the honour of your 
commands, and shall obey them ; for I am very proud 
of your remembrance. I do not know we ever quar- 
relled ; but if we did, I am as good a Christian as you 
are, — in perfect charity Avith you. My son, my daugh- 
ter, and all our olive-branches salute you most tenderly. 
.... Will you never come into England, and make 
Hawnes your road ? Tou will find nothing here to 
offend you, for I am a hermit and live in my chimney- 
corner, and have no ambition but that you will believe 
' I am the charming Dean's 

'Most obedient, humble servant, 

' Granville.' ^ 

Though the old Countess here calls herself a hermit 
of the chimney-corner, she and her somewhat imperious 
ways were weU known in London society ten years 
after the date of this letter. She lived to see her son 
practically Prime ]\Iinister of England ; and her proud 
satisfaction induced good-humoured observers to speak 
of her by the nickname of the Queen-Mother. By less 
lenient persons, who dwelt more on the sharpness of her 
tongue and manners, she was famiharly alluded to as 
the ' Dragon ' ; and pleasant if exaggerated stories of 
the vehement impetuosity of old Countess Gran\'ille's 
eloquence amused gossipers in a suflBciently innocent 
manner. One harmlessly heightened specimen will be 
enough. In 174.3. when the Countess was eighty-nine 
years old, ]\Irs. Elizabeth Montagu wrote to the Duchess 
of Portland : — 

' AU the gifts of tongue- bestowed on mankind are 

' Swift, Workt, XVIII. 1^4. XoT. 27, 17.30. 


retired to Mr. Finch's, in Savile Eow ; the general voice 
lives there in the person of the Countess of GranviUe. 
I went there with Mrs. Meadows on Sunday. ... I 
wish your Grace had been present ; we had many good 
scenes, but the scene of tenderness and sorrow was the 
best of all ; she sighed, and tossed, and thumped, and 
talked, and blamed, and praised, and hoped, and used 
tlie greatest variety of expression, and suffered the 
greatest change of temper that ever poor soul did ; most 
pathetically did she break out, giving an account of Lady 
Carteret's death. " Poor dear Lady Carteret got her 
death going abroad with a cold ; for if poor dear Lady 
Carteret had a fault — not that I know that poor dear 
Lady Carteret had a fault — nay, I believe that poor dear 
Lady Carteret had not a fault — but, if she had a fault 
it was that she loved to dress and go out too well — you 
know poor dear Lady Carteret did love to dress and go 
out ; and then, you know, she never spared herself; she 
wuidd talk, always talk — but it was to be so ; it was 
ordained that she should die abroad." All this .... 
and much more .... did she utter in a breath. . . . 
I shall resume the thread of her discourse nest winter, 
for 1 daresay it will run on as long as the fatal sisters 
spin the thread of her life. She asked after your Grace, 
and gave a very cordial and friendly hum and thump 
of satisfaction upon hearing you was well. The old 
woman showed a love for Miss Carteret, which makes 
me think she has more goodness than people suspect 
lier of.' ^ 

Indeed, there was a very great deal of goodness and 
family affection in the old Countess. In 1743, while 
Carteret was with the King in Germany and the battle 
of Dettingen was at hand, she wrote : — 

' Letters of Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu, II. 25i-255. 

B B 


' My Dear Sox, — You are infinitely kind and good 
to me in making me easy about Lady Carteret, whose 
illness has lain very heavy upon my spirits. I hope 
she wiU have no relapse, and that we may have all a 
happy meeting in October. I am glad to hear you 
design to take your son under your protection, that I 
may also see him. I am in great hopes he wOl turn 
out a man of business, for there is nothing I detest so 
much as an idle feUow. . . . The Duchess of ]\Iarl- 
borough has been lately told that there has been a duel 
between you and a foreign minister, which report does 
not affect me in the least, though I can't help mention- 
ing it. Fanny [Carteret's youngest daughter] presents 
her most humble duty to you ; she writes a long letter 
to her mama .... I beseech Gfod to bless and pre- 
serve you in good health, and give you success in all 
your undertakings for the honour and glory of your 
King and country. 

' I am, my dearest son, with gratitude and tenderness, 

' Entirely yours, 

' (rfiAXVILLE.' ^ 

The Ijady Carteret referred to in these letters was 
Carteret's first wife, Frances, only daughter of Sir 
Eobert Worsley and of Frances, daughter of the first 
Lord "Weymouth. She was descended, on her mother's 
side, from the Earl of Essex, Queen Elizabeth's un- 
favoured favourite. Her mother, Lady TVorsley, whom 
we have already seen as the intimate friend of Swift, 
had been, as Horace Walpole says, ' a beauty and 
friend of Pope ' ; and as the living lustre of Lady 
Carteret's eves obtained Swift's metrical celebration, so 
a verse of Pope's commemorates that of Lady Worsley's.^ 

' Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 32.416 ; fol. 402. June o, 174.3. 
'' S«e Poptb i^pistle to Jercas. 


Frances, the daughter, was born in 1694, and in 1710, 
before she was seventeen, she married Carteret at Long- 
leat. Like her mother, she was exceedingly beautiful, 
and was one of the most brilliant figures at the Courts 
of the first and second Georges. Mrs. Delany, who by 
birth was one of the Granville family, and rather 
vaguely speaks of Lord and Lady Carteret's children 
as her ' cousins,' gives repeated proof of Lady Carteret's 
supremacy among the beauties of the London world. 
Swift said that when she was in Ireland she was hand- 
somer than all the young beauties at the Castle Court 
taken together ; and even when she was no longer 
young, and was surrounded by her own beautiful mar- 
ried daughters, the verdict of observers was at times 
inclined to be : matre pulc/i ra filia pulchrior. She 
was very musical, too, having a fine voice which she 
had taken great pains to cultivate, and dehghting in 
the operas, oratorios, and concerts which London en- 
joyed in the days of Handel. She seems to have had 
a kindliness of disposition and an easy agreeableness of 
manner which were very attractive. The old Countess 
Granville, not the readiest person to please or to be 
pleased, said that Lady Carteret was as good as an 
angel to her. She had not been many weeks in Dublin 
before Dr. William King, the aged Archbishop of 
Dublin, was with friendly familiarity spoken of as her 
lover. Swift was always her attached friend. 

Lord and Lady Carteret were happy in seeing their 
children briUiantly established in life. Their eldest 
daughter, Lady Grace Carteret, whose beauty as a child 
was much rhymed about while Carteret was in Ireland, 
married the third Earl of Djsart, and was tlie mother 
of the fourth and fifth Earls. Louisa, the second 
daughter, married Yiscount Weymouth, and became 



mistress of Longleat. Lady Louisa Carteret seems to 
have had a large share of the good humour and com- 
plaisance of mind and manner that characterised her 
father and mother. The third daughter, Georgiana 
Carolina, was first married to the Hon. John Spencer, 
brother of Charles Duke of Marlborough, and grandson 
of the Dowager Duchess. ' Dauc/hters are no burden 
to my Lord Carteret,' \vTote Lord Berkeley of Stratton 
on the occasion of this marriage. ' It is not the only 
instance of his good luck.' Carteret was certainly well 
satisfied with the marria;2es of his daughters ; the more 
so because they were marriages of affection, for neither 
Lord nor Lady Carteret forced the inclinations of their 
children. ' Choose a gentlewoman and please yourself,' 
was the advice which Carteret once long afterwards 
gave to one of his grandsons ; and he followed the same 
principle in the case of his own daughters. The prin- 
ciple worked well. Eeplyingin 1735 to congratulations 
from Swift, Carteret A\Tote : ' If alliances and the 
thoughts of prosperity can bind a man to the interests 
of his country, I am certainly bound to stand by 
liberty.' ' Our cousins are now growing the most con- 
siderable people in the kingdom,' wrote ^Irs. Delany 
on the occasion of the marriage of the third daughter. 
Bv her second marriage, the Hon. Mrs. Spencer became 
Countess Cowper. 

The marriages of her three eldest daughters took 
place during the lifetime of Lady Carteret. In 1743, 
when Carteret wa« at the height of his power. Lady 
Carteret accompanied liim in liis journey with the King 
and the Duke of Cumberland to Hanover. There she 
was taken ill ; and George, who was about to leave for 
headquarters to fight his battle of Dettingen, offered 
that Carteret should not accompany him to the army, 


but should remain behind at Hanover. Lady Carteret 
begged that she might not interrupt Carteret's service 
to the King, and indeed she did not seem to be in any- 
special danger. But she died in June, soon after the 
King and Carteret had left for Aschaffenberg. From that 
little town, on the day on which he received the news, 
Carteret wrote to his late wife's confidential attendant : — - 
' You may easily judge how much I suffer for my 
irreparable loss, and I should be distracted if I did not 
know that you had been with her, and that she has 
been affectionately taken care of by you. If she has 
left you any directions for me, I beg I may know 
them and I shall punctually and exactl}' obey them. I 
entreat you not to leave Hanover till I return, for I 
can't be easy without talking to you. I approve of 
depositing the dear remains in a vault in a church 
till further orders, in such a coffin as is fit for her 
quality, and strong to bear carriage. It is a terrible 
thing to be forced to write upon such subjects, but 
I trust nobody but you, and that there may be no mis- 
take I would not write by anybody but myself for 
more sureness .... I will keep up my spirits as well 
as I can under this great misfortune. I have not 
written to my family. I have not seen my son since I 
knew this fatal news, which was but this morning.' ^ 
Lady Carteret's body was brought over to England in 
November 1743 in the ship in which Carteret himself 
returned; and though then Carteret outwardly appeared 
in good spirits, those who knew him thought they were 
assumed and outward only. Lady Carteret left behind 
her one unmarried daughter. Lady Frances Carteret, 
who in 1748 became Marchioness of Tweeddale. Like 
all her sisters, Lady Frances was very musical, and like 

' Brit. Mus, Add. MSS. 32,-tl6 ; fol. 410. June 1-3-24, 1743. 


her father slie was an accomplished linguist. Three 
months after her marriage Horace Walpole met her, 
and said that she was ' infinitely good-humoured and 
good company, and sang a thousand French songs 
mighty prettily.' In 1749 the Earl of Morton Avrote of 
her to Andrew Mitchell, afterwards the well-known 
ambassador to Frederick the Great: 'I saw your 
Marquis and his lady at Tester. It is a noble house, 
and the lady seems mightily pleased with it and with 
the country. She is very merry and easy, and sang 
Greek, French, and Scotch songs to me.'^ Mrs.Delauy 
thought there was more sentiment in the Marchioness 
of Tweeddale than in any other member of the family, 
and her own directions for her funeral do not contra- 
dict this view. She long survived her husband, and 
ordered that she should be buried as near him as 
pfissible, wearing her wedding-ring, and with her hus- 
band's letters to her in her coffin. 

In April 1744 Carteret astonished the London world 
by a second marriage. Gossip had been associating 
his name with a relative of his own, the Honoiirable 
Elizabeth GranvUle, daughter of Pope's friend Lord 
Lansdowne. Dai-y, a- her friends called her, was one 
of the maids of honour, celebrated for her beauty, and 
very affectionately treated by Carteret and all his family. 
Some of them indeed thought that Carteret'- kindness 
to her was excessive, and that he made too great a 
' fuss ' with Daisy. But there was nothing more than 
kindness in it. Spec dating gos-ipers. as well as the 
worlds of fashion and of politics, experienced the be- 
Avildering pleasure of a total surprise when it was 
suddenly announced that the leading English minister 
wa- to marry the leading Enghsh beauty of the day, 

' lJi,3.;t', M,Ul„:U, I. 1.3 n. 


Lady Sophia Fermor, daughter of Lord and Lady 

Lady Pomfret, who, as Boswell could not help 
coming from Scotland, could not help being the grand- 
daughter of Judge Jeffreys (though on her mother's 
side she traced her descent from Edward I), was one 
of those well-meaning but fussy, meddlesome, and ter- 
ribly inconsequential women of whom it is impossible 
for posterity to see anything but the slightl}" ridiculous 
side. She had been Lady of the Bedchamber to Queen 
Caroline ; and leaving Court in 1737, on the death of 
the Queen, went abroad with her husband and family, 
arriving at last at Florence towards the close of 1739. 
There the Pomfrets hired a vast palace and gardens 
that had belonged to the Medici, and held weekly 
gatherings much frequented by English and Italian 
society. The English ambassador. Sir Horace Mann, 
Lady Mary Montagu, Horace Walpole, Lord Lincoln 
with his governor. Pope's friend Spence, and many 
others were among their guests. Lady Pomfret, a Avell- 
educated woman, but with a fatal turn for amateurish 
pedantry, dabbled in literature ; translated Froissart ; 
is said to have written a life of Vandyke, of which for- 
tunately nothing is known ; and corresponded profusely 
with the Countess of Hertford, mingling gossip on books, 
antiquities, art, and Italian sight-seeing with very bad 
verses of the descriptive kind. Horace Walpole, who 
had certain private reasons of his own for a grudge 
against her, takes specially malicious delight in dwelling 
on the ridiculous side of Lady Pomfret. He makes her 
responsible for sayings as solemnly absurd as if they 
had been the Duke of ^Newcastle's. He "writes once to 
his friend Mann in November 17-11 : — 

' Lady Townshend told me an admirable history ; it 


is of our friend, Lady Pomfret. Somebody that belonged 
to tlie Prince of Wales said, they were going to Court ; 
it was objected that they ought to say, going to Carlton 
House ; that the only Court is where the King resides. 
Lady Pomfret with her paltry air of significant learning 
and absurdity, said, " Oh Lord ! is there no Court in 
England but the King's 't Sure there are many more ! 
There is the Court oi Chancery, the Court of Exchequer, 
the Court of King's Bench, etc." Don't you love her? ' 
Horace Walpole did not love her ; but it is tolerably 
clear that he loved one of her dauj/hters as much as an 
amateur dilettante and fashionable fribble could. He 
had a portrait of Lady Sophia as Juno in his miscella- 
neous toyshop at Strawberry Hill. ' Harry, you must 
come and be in love with Lady Sophia Fermor ; all the 
world is or should be,' he wrote to his friend Conway 
in October 1741, when he and the Pomfrets had come 
back by different routes to London. All the world 
included himself; and the pains he takes to be elabo- 
rately sarcastic at Lady Pomfret's expense admit of a 
verv' simple explanation. Lady Pomfret had practically 
warned him off. She by no means intended the first beauty of the day to entangle herself with the 
youngest son of a mere country squire. Suitors far 
more eligible than Horace AValpole could not be want- 
ing ; one, Avliose succe-- would not have di-pleri-cd 
Lady Pomfret, had already been fluttering around 
Lady Sophia on the Continent, sliaring the sight--eeing 
and Itahan entertainments of which she was the beauti- 
ful centre. This was Lord Lincoln, nephew of the 
ridiculous Duke of Xewca-tle. Lincoln seems to have 
been decidedly serious in his attention- ; but Xewca-tle 
could interfere with as meddle-ome effectiveness in love 
as in pohtics. He in-isted, for prudential family reason-, 


that Lincoln should marry Pelham's eldest daughter. 
Lincoln sighed as a lover, and obeyed as a nephew. 

The Pomfrets returned to England in October 1741, 
and Lady Sophia at once became the reigning beauty 
in London as she had been the recognised queen at 
Florence. People did not wonder ; for, as Lady Mary 
Montagu, who knew her well, said, Lady Sophia Fer- 
mor's beauty was her least merit. She was as famous 
at the Court of George EC. as her accidentally better 
remembered relative, the Arabella Fermor of the Rape 
of the Loci-, had been at Queen Anne's. ' Handsomer 
than all,' she was, says Horace Walpole, at a famous 
London ball in 1741 ; ' but a little out of humour at 
the scarcity of minuets ; however, as usual, she danced 
more than anybody, and, as usual too, took out what 
men she liked or thought the best dancers.' ^ Those 
who knew her felt no surprise at her successes. 'I am 
very well acquainted with Lady Sophia Fermor,' wrote 
Lady Mary Montagu in 1744, ' having lived two months 
in the same house with her. I shall never be surprised 
at her conquests.' But there was some surprise when 
the effectual conquest proved to be that of the leading 
English minister. The story of this episode in Carteret's 
life must not be told by any other than Horace Wal- 
pole ; but allowance must constantly be made for his 

' This was a ball at Sir Thomas Robinson's ; not the Sir Thomas of 
Vienna and diplomacy, but another, eccentric man : ' a tall uncouth man ; 
and liis stature was often rendered still more remarkable by his hunting- 
dress, a postilion's cap, a tight green jacket, and buckskin breeches. He was 
liable to sudden whims, and once set off on a sudden in his hunting-suit to 
visit his sister, who was married and settled at Paris. He arrived while 
there was a large company at dinner. The servant announced .1/. Robinson , 
and he came in, to tha great amazement of the guests. Among others, a 
French abbr thrice lifted his fork to his mouth and thrice laid it down, with 
an eaajcr stare of surprise. Unable to restrain his curiosity any longer, he 
burst out with, " Excuse me, Sir, are you the famous Robinson Crusoe so 
remarkable in history ? '' ' Wal}>oliana, II. 130, 131. 


general affectation and exaggeration, his delight in 
assisting Lady Pomfret to make herself ridiculous, and 
his thinly concealed pique that Lady Sophia Ferinor 
was quite out of his own reach. Walpole kept his 
friend ]Mann at Florence fully informed of the doings 
of the London world : — 

' Who do you think is going to marry Lady Sophia 
Fermor ? — Only my Lord Carteret !— this very week ! — 
a drawing-room conquest. Do hut imagine how many 
passions will be gratified in that family! Her own 
ambition, vanity, and resentment — love slie never had 
any ; ^ the politics, management, and pedantry of the 
mother, who will think to govern her son-in-law out 
of Froissart. Figure the instructions she will give 
her daughter ! Lincoln is quite indifferent, and lauglis. 
'M\ Lord Chesterfield says, " It is only another of Car- 
teret's vigorous measures." I am really glad of it, for 
her beauty and cleverness did deserve a better fate 
tlian she was on the point of having determined for 
her for ever. How g]-aceful, how charming, and how 
haughtily condescending slie will be ! How, if Lincoln 
should ever hint past history, she wiQ 

Stare upon the strange man's face 
As one she ne'er had known.' 

This letter was written near the end of March 1744 ; 
but the wedding was slightly delayed by Lady Sopliia's 
illness. Scarlet fever attacked her, and for four-and- 
twentv hours slie was in serious danger. On Carteret's 
side, svmpathetic anxiety brought on a fit of the gout. 

' Mv Lord Carteret's wedding has been deferred on 
Lady Sophia's falhng dangerou-ly ill of a scarlet fever ; 
but they say it is to be next Saturday. Slie is to have 

' Becau-=e -lie did nrt love me, Horace means. 


sixteen hundred pounds a year jointure, four hundred 
pounds pin-money, and two thousand of jewels, Car- 
teret says he does not intend to marry the mother and 
the whole family. What do you think my Lady in- 
tends ? ' 

On the evening of April 14, 1744, the marriage 
took place at Lord Pomfret's house. Carteret's mother, 
the very old Countess Granville, was invited, but did 
not go ; his own daughters he purposely did not invite, 
fearing, says Mrs. Delany, that it might affect them too 
much, ' and he has indeed,' she adds, ' acted with a 
tenderness towards them that I did not imagine had 
been in his nature.' Horace Walpole prattles on : — 

' The chief entertainment has been the nuptials of 
our great Quixote and the fair Sophia. On the point 
of matrimony she fell ill of a scarlet fever, and was given 
over, while he had the gout, but heroically sent her 
word that if she was well he u-oidd be so. Tliey cor- 
responded every day, and he used to plague the Cabinet 
Councils with reading her letters to them. Last night 
they were married, and as all he does must have a 
particular air in it, tliey supped at Lord Pomfret's. At 
twelve, Lady Granville, his mother, and all his family 
went to bed, but the porter : then my Lord went home, 
and waited for her in the lodge ; she came alone in a 
hackney-chair, met him in the hall, and was led up the 

Walpole's circumstantial account has the disadvan- 
tage of being inaccurate ; Lord and Lady Carteret 
returned to their home together, in the usual way of 
reasonable beings ; but it would have been less piquant 
to say so in a letter intended to supply gossip to Lady 
Sophia's friends and admirers in Florence. The Flor- 
entines were delighted at the English beaut^-'s success, 


and with enthusiastic daring rushed into Latin hexa- 
meters and Itahan Cantatas in celebration of the mar- 
riage of the Enghsh minister and the ' Farmoria virgo.' 
London congratulations and festivities over the affair 
were also very numerous : — 

' There is to be a great ball to-morrow at the 
Duchess of Eichmond's for my Lady Carteret: the 
Prince is to be there. Carteret's court pay her the 
highest honours, which she receives with the highest 
state. I have seen her but once, and found her just 
what I expected, tres-grande dame ; full of herself, and 
yet not with an air of happiness. She looks ill and is 
grown lean, but is still the finest figure in the world. 
The mother is not so exalted as I expected ; I fancy 
Carteret has kept his resolution, and does not marry 
her too. . . . 

' I will not fail to make your comphments to the 
Pomfrets and Carterets ; I see them seldom, but I am in 
favour ; so I conclude, for my Lady Pomfret told me 
the other night that I said better things than anybody. 
I was with them at a subscription ball at Eanelagh last 
week, which my Lady Carteret thought proper to look 
upon as given to her, and thanked the gentlemen, who 
were not quite so well- pleased at her condescending 
to take it to herself My Lord stayed with her there till 
four in the morning. They are all fondness — Avalk to- 
gether and stop every five steps to kiss. . . . The ball 
Avas on an excessively hot night ; yet she was dressed in 
a magnificent brocade, because it was new that morning 
for the inauguration day. I did the honours of all her 
dress : '-How cliarming your ladyship's cross is I I am 
suj-e the design was your own!" — " Xo, indeed, my 
Lord sent it me just as itis. " — " How fine your ear-rings 
are I '' — " Oh ! but they are very heavy. ' Then as much 


to the mother. Do you wonder I say better things than 
anybody ? . . . 

'I met my Lady Carteret the other day at Knapton's, 
and desired leave to stay while she sat for her pic- 
ture. She is drawn crowned with corn, like the Goddess 
of Plenty, and a mild dove in her arms, like Mrs. 
Venus. . . . 

' You would be diverted with the grandeur of our 
old Florence beauty. Lady Carteret. She dresses more 
extravagantly, and grows more short-sighted every day ; 
she can't walk a step without leaning on one of her 
ancient daughters-in-law. Lord Tweeddale and Lord 
Bathurst are her constant gentleman-ushers. She has 
not quite digested her resentment to Lincoln yet. . . . 
Here is a good epigram that has been made on her : — 

Her beauty, like the Scripture feast, 
To whicli the invited never came, 

Deprived of its intended guest, 

Was given to the old and lame. . . . 

' My lady is in the honeymoon of her grandeur. She 
lives in pubhc places, whither she is escorted by the old 
beaux of her husband's court ; fair white-wigged old 
allants, the Duke of Bolton, Lord Tweeddale, Lord 
Bathurst, and Charles Fielding ; and she ah ovei knots, 
and small hoods, and ribbons. Her brotlier told me 
the other night, " Indeed, I think my thister doesth 
countenanth Eanelagh too mutch!" They call my Lord 
Pomfret King Stanislaus, the Queen's fatlier.' 

So far Horace Walpole's superficial and exaggerated 
gossip. One slight reference to the marriage is from 
Carteret himself. He wrote to his friend Tyrawley, the 
Encflish ambassador to Eussia : — 

' I thank you for your particular kind letter on my 



marriage. My lady will always be glad of the offers 
you make. Our friendship has been long, my dear lord, 
and shall remain as long as I live. 

' Xow for a joke, was it not a bold thing in me to 
marry so young and so fine a woman as Lady Sophia 
Fermor ? But it turns out well, with all the lawlades 
imaginable. Adios, tu atento y seguro vervidor li.asta la 


Tyrawley rephed : — 

' In answer to your joke, I always took you for a 
bold man. My Lady Carteret is certainly what your 
lordship says. I used to see her sometimes at the 
Duchess of Pdchmond's, and I thought her in person, 
understanding, behaviour, and in aU respects, by much 
the finest young lady in England. I must now quote 
two or three lines on this subject, out of a letter I lately 
received from Madame de TVendt, from Hanover : — 
" Que periiez-rous. milord, de noire cher JJiloj'd Carteret, 
qui s'e-it comole si tot avec une jeune femrne de la perte de 
notre bonne Miladi? Xe justifie-t-il po.s hien ce CjyCa dit 
quelqu'un que cest un ohjet vivant qui con-iole d'un rnort .? " '^ 

Granville's fall from power did not affect the bril- 
hancy of his new Countess or the great popularity of 
her weekly receptions. This vexed the soul of the 
Pelhams. The ridiculous Duke had already this year 
behaved with excessive absurdity over another famous 
marriage that had followed a month after Carteret's. 
As the Duke of Pdchmond refused to h;ten to Henry 
Fox'; proposal of marriage with Lady Carohne Lennox, 
Fox and Lady Caroline settled matters for themselves 
bv a private wedding. To Newcastle's fussy meddle- 

' Add. MSS. i'3,H31 . foL .3-3. Ani-uii 'l\. 1714. 
- Add. MSS. 2.3,631 ; fo!. VI. 


someness this rather innocent performance seemed on a 
level ■wdth important business of state. When Carteret 
was going through the rooms one day at Kensington, 
soon after the news of this Avedding had spread, he was 
summoned up to Xewcastle to talk of a ' most unfortu- 
nate affair,' a matter greatly affecting the Duke, who 
would not make any secret of it from Carteret. ' I 
thought,' said Carteret, ' that our fleet was beaten, or 
that Mons had been betrayed to the French. At last it 
came out that Harry Fox was married, which I knew 
before. This man, who is Secretary of State, cannot be 
consoled because two people, to neither of whom he is 
any relation, were married without tlieir parents' con- 
sent ! ' All the town was soon laughing at Newcastle 
and his ' most unfortunate affair.' The Duke also made 
himself ridiculous over Countess Granville's dangerous 
entertainments, and even comj^lained to Orford that 
Horace Walpole frequented them ; but Orford only 
laughed at him and his timid absurdity : — 

' The great present disturbance in politics is my 
Lady Granville's assembly ; which I do assure you 
distresses the Pelhams infinitely more than a mys- 
terious meeting of the States would, and far more than 
the abrupt breaking up of the Diet at Grodno. She 
had begun to keep Tuesdays before her lord resigned, 
which now she continues with greater zeal. His house 
is very fine, she very handsome, her lord very agreeable 
and extraordinary ; and yet the Duke of Newcastle 
wonders that people will go thither. He mentioned to 
my father my going there, who laughed at him. . . . 
You can't imagine ho^v my Lady Granville shines in 
doing honours ; j^ou know she is made for it. My lord 
has new furnished his mother's apartment for her, 
and has given her a magnificent set of dressing-plate ; 


he is very fond of her, and she as fond of his being 

One last quotation from Walpole closes the story 
of this too brief happiness : — 

' Before I talk of any public news, I must tell you 
what you will be very sorry for— Lady Granville is 
dead. She had a fever for six weeks before her lying-in, 
and could never get it off. Last Saturday they called 
in another physician. Dr. Oliver: on ::\Ionday he pro- 
nounced her out of danger. About seven in the even- 
ing, as Lady Pomfret and Lady Charlotte ^ were sitting 
by her, the first notice they had of her immediate 
danger was her sigliing and saying, " I feel death come 
very fast upon me ! " She repeated the same words 
frequently — remained perfectly in her senses and calm, 
and died about eleven at night. Her mother and sister 
sat by her till she was cold. It is very shocking for 
anybody so young, so handsome, so arrived at the 
height of happiness, so sensible of it, and on whom 
aU the joy and grandeur of her family depended, to be 
so quickly snatched away ! ' 

Countess Granville died on October 7, 1745. Her 
only child, Sophia, became in 1765 the wife of Lord 
Shelburne, first ]^Iarquis of Lansdowne. 

The town, in its gossiping way, was soon busying 
itself with rumours of a possible third marriage of Lord 
GranviUe. The town was quite wrong in that. For 
the last seventeen j^ears of his life Granville was a 
widower. When his little daughter ^rfiphia was ten 
years old, he took her home from the care of Lady 
Pomfret ; and he had a son of hi- fir-t marriage surviv- 
ing to succeed him in the title. His two eldest ,-ons had 

' Lady Charlotte Fermor, Countets Granville's sister. She was gover- 
nesB to the children of Geor^'e III., and died at St. James's in 161.3, aged 66. 


died in infancy ; the third, Eobert, in striking contrast 
with the brilliancy of the other members of his familj', 
made no figure in the world, and has left no memory 
behind him. He succeeded to the earldom on his 
father's death in ITGo, and himself died, unmarried, in 
1776, when the title of Granville became extinct. 

As a parliament ar J' orator Granville, by common 
consent, stood in the very highest rank. He had the 
physical advantage of a fine person, graceful manners, 
and a very handsome countenance. He was of ' com- 
manding beauty,' says Lord Shelburne ; and Horace 
Walpole uses the same expression : — ■ 

Commanding beauty, smoothed by cheerful grace, 
Sat on the open features of his face. 

Swift speaks of his ' most comely and graceful person,' 
and chose as the motto of a welcoming poem, when 
Carteret was expected in Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant, 
Virgil's line : — 

Gnitwr et jndchro rcnieits in corpure virtu/t. 

But his oratory could ca,sily have dispensed with these 
not unwelcome physical enhancements. He shone in 
all styles as a speaker. His reputation in the grand 
style of eloquence was very great. Demosthenes had 
been his special study. He was also as effective in 
argumentative as in declamatory speech. No orator's 
fine phrases or rhetorical ingenuity could hide from him 
tlie real point of any question at issue. Chesterfield 
was not inclined to be too lenient a critic of Granville • 
yet Chesterfield says of him : ' He was one of the best 
speakers in the House of Lords, botla in the declama- 
tory and the argumentative way. He had a wonderfid 
quickness and precision in seizing the stress of a ques- 

c; c 


tion, which no art, no sophistry, could disguise to him.' 
Granville's really wonderful political knowledge would 
have enabled him, even if he had possessed no extra- 
ordinary rhetorical gifts, to be a political speaker 
always worth listening to. Even very ordinary persons 
can generally speak fairly well on subjects with which 
tliey are thoroughly acquainted. But Carteret was not 
an ordinary person, and his almost boundless informa- 
tion was displayed in parhamentary discussion -n-ith all 
the charm of a rich and cultured eloquence which 
flowed, thought Walpole, ' from a source of wit, gran- 
deur, and knowledge.' It was rich in historical allusion, 
and often very pleasantly flavoured by Carteret's easy 
familiarity with the classics. Lord Shelbume, who, 
however, had never himself heard Granville, thought 
that his oratory was suited rather for the Senate than 
for the people. If it had been otherwise, it would have 
been eloquence out of place ; for what other audience 
than the Senate had an English statesman in the reign 
of George II. ? But while Granville's eloquence was 
doubtless usually cast in the grand style which was 
familiar to the House of Cowper and Bohngbroke 
and Mansfield, he could, when occasion required, speak 
in the plainest language of idiomatic homeUness and 
matter-of-fact unconventionality. A militia biU which 
he opposed he called ' impracticable nonsense, and ' a 
shoeincr-horn to faction.' Wlien in 1732 the House of 
Lords Avas engaged with Bentley and his academical 
quarrels, Carteret called some of the articles which 
Trinity College brought against the Master ' the dis- 
tempered frenzies of cloistered zealots.'^ He was al-o 
especially well-known for the idiomatic directness of his 
language in private conversation. Before the outbreak 

1 Monk's Benthy, p. 500. 


of the Seven Years' War, he opposed any interference 
with French trading-vessels, and called it ' vexing your 
neighbours for a little mock.' The smaller European 
Princes, whose assistance could only be had after much 
haggling and cheapening of bargains, were in Carteret's 
language ' Shopkeeper Kings.' When the war with 
France began badly, and Newcastle with scared timi- 
dity begged Granville to become Prime Minister, he 
replied : ' I will be hanged a little before I take your 
])lace, rather than a little after.' In a letter to Swift he 
speaks of an insignificant legal functionary as a ' machine 
in a furred gown.' He was asked once who wrote the 
King's speech in a certain year. It was the Lord Chan- 
cellor Hardwicke. ' Do you not see,' said Granville, 
' the blunt pen of the old Attorney ? ' He was probably 
speaking of the undisguised inconsistency of politicians 
in and out of place, when he said to the King that no 
two things were so different as a cat in a hole and a 
cat out of a hole. 

In private life Carteret's wit and conversational 
powers, his humour and his good humour, made him 
very attractive. He Avas a great talker, with a very ex- 
tensive range of subjects. He had the Englishman's 
rarest gift, the art of conversation. But his table-talk 
has all vanished. Horace Walpole might have preserved 
much of it, but amusing letters are so much more easily 
filled with ball-room gossip or with George Selwyn's 
dreary fantasticalities on coffins and corpses. Carteret's 
talk was not of the Selwyn type. It was not of that 
rather wearisome verbal cleverness which finds a sure 
perpetuation in jest-books and anecdote corners. Car- 
teret could talk epigrammatically enough when he 
t'huse. Steele and Addison, he said, were excellent 
companions for an evening, the one at its beginning, 

c c 2 


the other towards the close ; for by the time that Steele 
had drunk hmiself down, Addison had drunk himself 
up. But Carteret's mind was too rich and full to be 
ever on the strain to say something striking which 
might be quoted in the clubs and coffee-houses as Lord 
Carteret's last good thing. He was, says Lord Shelburne, 
overfloA^nng with wit, but 'not so much a diseur de bona 
iiLoU, like Lord Chesterfield, as a man of comprehensive 
ready wit, which at once saw to the bottom, and whose 
imagination never failed him. ... He said that such a 
man was a stupid man, but an admirable hearer. He 
said his house was the neutral port of the Finches, 
who carried on the conversation by each of them ad- 
dressing him and never each other. He said when all 
his other stories failed him, Ireland was a constant 
resource. During his stay there as Lord-Lieutenant, 
tliere was no end of the ridicule with which it supplied 

Carteret's good-humour was not less attractive than 
his conversation. He was never ' as disagreeable as the 
occasion would permit.' His wit, frankness, and hospi- 
tality, and the accomplishments and attractions of his 
family, made his house very popular ; and he never 
allowed political differences to interfere with the inter- 
course of social life. His refined simphcity hated flattery ; 
his open frankness and easy familiarity removed all 
coldness from his aristocratic breeding. Plain and 
simple in his manner. Lord Sljc-lburne found him on 
the one occasion on whicli he saw him ; and Carteret 
liked his friends to be plain and simple with him. "Wlien 
he Avas Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland he delighted to visit 
men of wit and learning on the most homely terms, 
and was disappointed when his unexpected arrival was 
received with ceremonious apologies for omissions and 


defects. Dr. Delany especially pleased him by the easy 
unembarrassment witli which he welcomed him when 
Carteret once unexpectedly called upon the Doctor, and 
said he was come to dine : — 

' Others,' said Carteret to Delany, ' whom I have 
tried the same experiment on, have met me in as much 
confusion as if I came to arrest them for high treason ; 
nay, they would not give me a moment of their con- 
versation, which, and not their dinner, I sought ; but 
hurry from me, and then, if I had any aj)petite, deprive 
me of it by their fulsome apologies for defects. This is 
like a story I heard the Dean [Swift] tell of a lady who 
had given him an invitation to dinner. As she heard 
lie was not easily pleased, she had taken a month to 
provide for it. When the time came, every delicacy 
which could be purchased the lady had prepared, even 
to profusion, which you know Swift hated However, 
the Dean was scarce seated, when she began to make a 
ceremonious harangue ; in which she told him that she 
was sincerely sorry she had not a more tolerable dinner, 
since she was apprehensive there was not anything there 
lit for him to eat ; in short that it was a bad dinner. 
[llci'e Swift swore as only an eighteenth-century clergy- 
)iian. could, and asked'\ "Why did you not get a better? 
Sure you had time enough ! But since you say it is so 
bad, I'll e'en go home and eat a herring. Accordingly 
he departed.' -^ 

Carteret carried his good-humour into public hfe. 
He took success and defeat with the same good natured 
cheerfulness, and was quite indifferent to personal abuse. 
Lord Hervey has preserved a characteristic instance of 
the unruffled and even amused complacency with which 

1 Mrs. Pilkington's Mcm<jii\%lll. 67-70. Not a good authority; 'but 
the above is in accordance witli the characters of both Carteret and Swift. 


Carteret listened to the unjust reproaches of disap- 
pointed pohticians. On one occasion during the long 
opposition to A\"alpole, the minister's Tory enemies in 
the House of Lords thought that Carteret had been too 
moderate ; and one of them, in Hervey's hearing, said 
to him with the due spicing of profanity which gives so 
line a flavour to much of the genuine old Tory dialect 

of tlie day : ' " By , Carteret, I know not what you 

mean by this ; but whatever you mean, I believe after 
this you will not find it very easy to get any party or 
any set of men to trust you again. I am sure I will not ; 
and where you will find fools that will, I don't know. . . . 

By , Carteret, we all know you." . . . Lord Carteret 

turned to us who were sitting by him and said, with 
a cheerful unconcern, not at all affected or put on, 
but quite natural, "Poor Aylesford is really angry." ' 
And Lord ]\Iansfield told Marchmont that throughout 
the long intrigue Avhich drove Carteret from power in 
1744 Carteret's behaviour had been admirable ; that he 
had never once lost his temper. This fineness of temper 
is the more noticeable because Carteret was politically 
ambitious, and made no pharisaical attempt to deny 
that on repeated occasions AValpole and the Pelhams 
had used him badly. It would have been easy to have 
been good-hum ouredly careless if Carteret had been 
sick of power or pining for retreat. But in 1744 
Carteret was in the full vigour of liis activity, and an 
anecdote which must refer to the time when he ^va; 
made Lord President of the Council ^hows that many 
years later, when liis health was already breaking, it 
was not because he Avas indifferent to power that he 
bore no vindictiveness. Carteret was cheerful and un- 
resentful though he felt Avounded. He had given to a 
fiiend a copy <ii the polyglut Bible, and his friend liad 


rebound it in a sumptuous manner. Carteret saw tlie 
book in its adorned condition, and said, ' You have done 
witli it as the King has done with me : he made me fine 
and he laid me by.' 

No man was more fiercely attacked with personali- 
ties than Carteret, but he never returned the abuse, and 
kept no vindictiveness. ' He was neither ill-natured 
nor vindictive,' says Chesterfield, rather superfluously. 
He had frequent ojjportunities of revenging himself 
upon the Pelhams, but he only laughed at them instead.^ 
A smaller man than Carteret would have remembered 
Avith bitterness the outrageous personal attacks, the 
lavish insolence, and the cruelly unjust rhetorical vitu- 
peration with which Pitt, in the stormy days of his 
political irresponsibihty, had not been too proud to 
assist the commonplace Pelhams and Harringtons and 
Hardwickes in their intrigues against the colleague whom 
they envied and feared. But Carteret forgot all that ; 
and it was perhaps not without some well-justified feel- 
ings of remorse that, long after Carteret's death, the 
Earl of Chatham spoke of him in the House of Lords as 
' this great man,' and added : ' I feel a pride in declaring 
that to his patronage, to his friendship and instruction 
I owe whatever I am.' ^ Carteret had been most unfairly 
and most unjustly treated by Walpole ; yet when AValpole 
had fallen and the triumphant majority of his enemies 
were using means fair and unfair to prove him guilty of 
illegal practices, it was Carteretwho opposed an unjust bill 

' But first to Carteret fain you'd sing ; 
Indeed he's nearest to the King, 

Yet careless how you use him ; 
Give him, I beg, no lahour'd lays, 
He will not promise if you praise, 

And laugh if you abuse him l—JPolitwul Balladof 1742. 
" Forliamenfary History, XVI. 1,007. Xo\-. 22, 1770. 


which the Commons had passed against the late minister, 
and led the Lords in rejecting it. And Carteret was as 
faithful to his friends as he was placable to his enemies. 
AVhen his early patron, Sunderland, died in 1722, it was 
rumoured that the Frencli Eegent Orleans had in con- 
versation accused Sunderland of intriguing with the 
Jacobites. Carteret, whose health had suffered through 
Sunderland's death, wrote to his friend Schaub at Paris, 
asking for an explanation of this very ridiculous charge. 
In a letter which was not meant for show, for it was 
marked, ' very secret ; burn this,' Carteret said : 'I will 
sooner die than give up my friend's character, which I 
will contend for to the hazard of everything.'^ 

Beyond his humour and his good-humour, Carteret 
had in public life high spirit and infinite courage. He 
Avas not a degenerate descendant of the Sir Philip 
Carterets and the Sir Eichard Grenvilles. ' The Gran- 
ville blood has too much fire in it to bear stewing ! ' 
wrote his daughter, Countess Cowper, once after a visit 
to an unwholesomely heated house. Carteret's brilliant 
boldness was naturally the characteristic Avhich most 
impressed the average observer in his own day ; for it 
made him stand out in strong rehef from the plodding 
commonplace of AValpoles, Pelhams, Hardwickes, and 
Harringtons. But his daring and spirit were not at all 
Avhat they have too often been misrepresented to be. 
By bitter political opponents in the later years of his 
own life, and often by more modern Avriters who, if 
they had taken the trouble to look at what Carteret 
himself has \v'ntten, could hardly have made the mistake, 
Carteret has been confidently described as a man ol 
erratic, dashing, fooHshly daring audacity. In the 
dimlv veiled nomenclature of the political pamphlets of 

' Brit. Mus. MSS. 4.2U4 ; fol, C7, 0*. 


the time, while Newcastle is Bubble-Boy and Walpole 
is Bob Bronze, Carteret, John Bull's steward, is Jack 
Headlong. Bat Carteret's fearlessness in politics rested 
on his unrivalled political knowledge, and was altogether 
different from the wild daring of the adventurer who 
is bold only because he is ignorant. Carteret always 
knew what he wanted, and was perfectly content to 
take the every-day method of obtaining it ; but if ever}'- 
day methods failed, he was not afraid to meet unusual 
difficulties with unusual spirit. When in his northern 
negotiations as English mediator he accepted, on his own 
responsibility, Prussian and Danish treaties with Sweden 
which the Prussian and Danish ministers were afraid to 
put their hands to, he was undoubtedly bold, but he 
was not rash. He did it only after the most patient 
painstaking and long continued laborious endeavour ; 
and he expressly said that he disliked the bold strokes 
which, however, he -was not afraid to make. Bold 
action which is the result of mature consideration and 
perfect acquaintance with the facts of a fase has no 
connection with impetuous recklessness. When in the 
continental ^\'ar Carteret proposed schemes which the 
other ministers rejected as wUdly daring, it was because 
long study and varied experience had made him a 
master of European polities, while his colleagues knew 
little more than the rudiments of the science. But 
misrepresentation is the easiest of all political arts ; and 
nothiiii^- was simpler than to assert over and over ao-ain 
that Carteret's plans were all mere audacity and foolish 
daring. This has become the stale commonplace of 
evei'y political reference that may occasionally be made 
to him ; till it is almost as tiresome to be told that 
Carteret was reckless as it is to be told that Hooker 
was judicious. At the same time, it is a little curious 


and not quite easily reconcilable with this facile critici-in 
to note that a special characteristic of this reckless 
statesnian was his extraordinary devotion to work, and 
his patient persistence in all the business that came 
before him. He was always wilhng to take pains. 'I 
have a working brain,' he once wrote from Stockholm 
in the thick of the diplomatic stupidities which weari- 
iomely interrupted his comphcated negotiations. AMien 
he went to Holland in 1742 to try to rouse the phleg- 
matic Dutch from their lethargy, he told the function- 
aries who represented to him aU the difficulties which he 
would encounter, that he held the principle that nothing 
in the world was impossible, and that his own experience 
had taught him that persevering steadfastness in thi- 
principle was the way to success. This is hardly the 
note of recklessness. 

Persistent misrepresentation was one of the difficul- 
ties which Carteret, like other statesmen, had to struggle 
against ; but he does not seem personally to have cared 
much about it. While he undoubtedly had political 
ambition, he was quite careless about pohtical popu- 
laritv in his o\vn day. His political ambition was of 
the kind which he had vainly endeavoured to instill into 
Henry Fox. The vulgar and merely insular ambitions 
of pohtics had no attraction for him, and many of the 
checks which he met with in hi- career were due to 
liis contemptuous neglect of the usual political methods 
of .his day. Winninpton once found Carteret reading 
Demoitlienes, and told him he was working for Iiis own 
ruin. The Court Almanark, said Winningtou. wa= the 
book wliich Carteret should have been studying. In- 
different to popularity, lie was careless of the usual 
means of gaining it. It is ea-y to sympatlii-e mth and 
appreciate Ids conduct in thi~ matter ; but from the 


point of view of his own political aims, his scornful 
carelessness was often injudicious and certainly injurious 
to him. It greatly weakened his power in parhament. 
It was very natural that a man of genius should slight 
and despise Newcastle; but Newcastle was a great 
parhamentary force, and Carteret treated him with 
neglectful contempt. How much more prudent to have 
managed Newcastle as Pitt managed him afterwards, 
keeping the real mastery in his own hands, while allow- 
ing the Duke to revel in his own congenial department! 
It might have been more difficult /or Carteret than for 
Pitt to do this ; but it was Carteret's own maxim that 
nothing was impossible. Newcastle in his unmeaning 
way said that Carteret was a man who never doubted. 
He never doubted that Newcastle was a fool ; and im- 
prudently he did not care to conceal what he thought. 
Small personal neglects irritated colleagues who were 
already sufficiently inchned to be jealous ; and Carteret's 
carelessness of everything but the strictly political side 
of politics did not attract to liis support the rather 
numerous parliamentary persons for whom politics were 
chiefly a matter of social self-interest. Piegardless of 
ceremonial decorations himself, he cared nothing who 
had tliis Garter or that green ribband. His contemp- 
tuous indifference weakened him ; for it drove important 
nobodies to other ministers who would condescend to 
listen to them ; and Newcastle, whose element this 
thoroughly was, unfortunately was not Carteret's friend. 
The whole herd of preferment hunters found it use- 
less to apply to Carteret. He simply took no notice 
of them. Two instances illustrate his not unnatural 
but fatally imprudent indilTerence. In September 1742 
the Duchess of Portland writes to Mrs. Delany's sister, 
Anne Granville, Carteret's own relation : — 


' I went the Sunday before I came out of town to 
the Arch-Dragon [Countess Granville, Carteret's mother] 
by appointment, to know of her whether the report of 
our friend's promotion was to be depended on ; and 
after flattering her pretty sufficiently she told me she 
knew nothing of the matter, that she beheved there was 
nothing in it, and that her son was never interested in 
anybody's business, his whole mind being taken up in 
doing good to the nation, and till the French was drove 
out of German)^, and Prague was taken, he could not 
think of such a bagatelle as that.' ^ Carteret was per- 
fectly impartial in his indifference ; for the preferment 
desired on this occasion was for a relation of his OAvn. 

Horace Walpole is the chronicler of the second in- 
stance. When Granville became President of the Council 
in 1751, Lord Chief Justice Willes was congratulated 
on the return of his friend to Court. Willes replied : — 

' He my friend ? He is nobody's friend. I will give 
you a proof. Sir Ptobert Walpole had promised me to 
make my friend Clive one of the King's Council ; but 
too late ! I asked him to request it of Mr. Pelham, 
who promised but did not perform. When Lord Gran- 
ville was in the height of his power, I one day said to 
him. My Lord, you are going to the King ; do ask him 
to make poor Clive one of his Council. He replied. 
What is it to me who is a judge or who a bishop ? It 
is my business to make Kings and Emperors, and to 
maintain the balance of Europe. Willes repHed, Then 
they who want to be bishops and judges will apply to 
those who will submit to make it their business.' - 

Carteret even damaged his own private circum- 
stances by his too contemptuous neglect of his own 

' Mrs. Delany, Autobiograpliy and Correqvndenre, II. 195. 
« 11. Walpole's Last Ten Tears >.f Georye II., I. 14G, U7. 


personal advantage. Scornful of money in public life, 
he was carelessly indifferent to it in private. Shelburne 
gives a curious and perhaps somewhat exaggerated 
illustration of Carteret's blameworthy imprudence : — 

' Both he [Carteret] and Sir Eobert Walpole were 
above money, particularly the former. Lord Carteret 
was more careless than extrava"-ant. When his dauah- 
ter Lady Georgiana was going to be married to Mr. 
Spencer, much against the inclination of Sarah, Duchess 
of Marlborough — with whom he had been in great 

favour, but had lost it on some political account he 

suffered the day to be fixed for signing the settlements 
and solemnising the marriage without any thought how 
he was to pay her fortune. His family, knowinr;- that 
he had not the money, was under vast uneasiness as 
the day approached, and as far as they could venture, 
reminded him of it, to no purpose, till the very day 
before. Sir Eobert Worsley, Lady Carteret's fatlier, 
came to him, and, speaking of the marriao-e, said he 
hoped he -was prepared with Lady Georgiana's fortune, 
because he knew the Duchess of Marlborough's violence 
and her aversion to the marriage. He said undoubtedly 
that it could not be supposed thai he was unprepared. 
'■ Because if you are," says Sir Eobert Worsley, " I have 
5,000/. at my bankers, with which I can accommodate 
you." He said, " Can you really ? If so, I shall be 
much obliged to you, for, to say the truth, I have not 
a hundred pounds towards it." At one time lie had an 
execution in his house, brought by a coal-merchant to 
whom he owed two thousand pounds. His coach etc 
was stopped. As soon as it was taken off, he saw a 
man in the hall whose face he did not recollect It 
was the merchant. He went up to him, made a very 


crracious bow, and the man served him to the day of 
his death.' 

While Carteret, regardless of party or private con- 
siderations, was thinking of the politics of Europe, the 
Pelhams ^vere thinking of the politic? of the Cockpit. 
The Pelhams were wise from their own small point of 
view ; while Carteret's conduct was douljly imprudent ; 
for his strengtli in the House of Commons was small, 
apart from the assistance which the Pelhams might be 
willing to give him. For, over and above the weakness 
which he might have avoided if he had condescended 
to the usual arts of parliamentary management, if, as 
Winnington said, he had studied parhament more and 
Demosthenes less, Carteret had in the course of his long 
career disadvantages in parliament for which he Avas in 
no way personally responsible. He had never sat in 
the House of Commons, and in the reign of George H. 
the House of Lords was no longer the clearly superior 
House, as it had been when Carteret first entered par- 
liament. He had also suffered serious losses near the 
beginning of his public life by the deaths of his 
two friends Stanhope and Sunderland, his introducers 
to active pohtical work. These lo'^ses left Carteret, a 
young man of thirty, with very little but his own genius 
to help him, exposed to the jealous political enmity of 
the masterful minister who kept himself at the head of 
English affairs for twenty years. There is no need to 
seek for or to invent explanations of AYalpole's lifelong 
opposition to Carteret. Friends and enemies alike 
reco''ahsed that Carteret was a man of indisputable 
LTeiiius, of verv great political ability, and of higli-spirited 
independence and individuality. That was quite enough 
to make it imjxjr^sible that he and AValpole should long 
act together. Careless and indifferent about most things 


else, AValpole was terriblj^ in earnest whenever it was a 
question of his own undivided personal power. It is not 
surprising that a man who quarrelled about political 
influence with a respectable mediocrity like Townshend 
found it absolutely necessary to free himself from col- 
lea<TiiGs like Pulteney and Carteret. The striking thing, 
in itself a very strong proof of the force of Carteret's 
character and of his pre-eminence in politics, is the fact 
that for nearly half of Waljjole's long rule, from 1721 
to 1730, Cai'teret was actually a member of Walpole's 
Cabinet. Walpole could only get rid of Carteret after 
an unremitting struggle of nearly ten years. 

Parliamentary disadvantages continued to accom- 
pany Carteret when he himself succeeded to AYalpole's 
power. It was a time of general war, Avhich had 
been commenced and, as far as England's part in it 
was concerned, hopelessly mismanaged before Carteret 
became minister ; and, though he did all that one man 
could do, he was thwarted by jealous colleagues who 
shared neither his genius nor his knowledo-e. His 
ministry was divided and a compromise ; the Whio- party 
Avas in antagonistic sections. Absorbed by the war. 
involved in foreign negotiations, much absent from 
England, Carteret left the management of home and 
domestic affairs too much to ministers who were de- 
lighted to plot against him undisturbed by his presence. 
He was practical^ Prime Minister and Foreio-n Minis- 
ter ; it was not only natural but essential that durin<T 
his most anxious peiiod of power he should be mainly 
occupied with foreign affairs. Unfortunately this 
allowed to treacherous colleagues almost unrestricted 
scope for intrigue and easy opportunity for unbounded 
public misrepresentation. Carteret was prolono-ino- the 
Avar for the sake of his own ambition ; for the sake of 


Hanover ; to gain the personal favonr of the King ; tor 
a hundred other reasons as perfectly false as these. 
When one considers the small hold which Carteret had 
on parliamentary support, the jealous intrigues of his 
colleagues from the very beginning of his career, his 
own careless neglect which naturally offended the self- 
esteem of persons in important situations, and his 
complete indifference to personal popularity, it is not 
strange that the shoal of his enemies — his poHtical 
enemies, for he had no private ones — at times triumphed 
over him, and made his political career a somewhat 
chequered one. 

But Carteret had other resources than politics. Un- 
like Walpole, who, his son Horace says, ' loved not 
reading nor writing,' Carteret was a highly educated 
scholar and an instructed lover of literature. On the 
political side his knowledge was very great and undis- 
puted. He was intimately acquainted with the public 
law of Europe and the internal laws of the various 
European countries. The intricacies of the constitution 
of the Empire were no mystery to him. His knowledge 
of European history was equally profound, extending 
even to obscure points usually left with cheerfulness to 
the monopoly of the professional historian. Harte, 
author of the life of Gustavus Adolphus, wrote in his 
preface, after Carteret's death : 'It was my good fortune 
or prudence to keep the main body of my army (or in 
other words my matters of fact) safe and entire. The 
late Earl of Granville was pleased to declare himself 
of this opinion ; especially when he found that I had 
made Chemnitius one of my principal guides ; for his 
Lordship was apprehensive I might not have seen that 
valuable and authentic book, which is extremely scarce. 
I thought myself happy to have contented his Lordship 


even in the lowest degree ; for he understood the Ger- 
man and Swedish histories to the highest perfection.' 
On the more strictly literary side Carteret had an extra- 
ordinary acquaintance with languages, literatures, and 
philosophy. It was of no consequence to him in what 
language the foreign ministers might choose to send 
their despatches, or in what language he himself might 
reply to them. As Horace Walpole caUed him ' master 
of all modern politics,' so Chesterfield called him ' master 
of all the modern languages.' French or Italian, Spanish 
or Portuguese, German or Swedish ; it was indifferent 
to him which he wrote and which he spoke. He even 
turned his attention to the Sclavonian languages and 
literatures. With the classical languages he also had 
an easy familiarity. Swift, whom Carteret himself 
once silenced with a quotation from Virgil, with grave 
irony says of him that he had a ' fatal tui'n of mind 
toward heathenish and outlandish books and languages. 
... It is known, and can be proved upon him, that 
Greek and Latin books might be found every day in his 
dressing-room, if it were carefully searched. ... I am 
likewise assured that he has been taken in the very fact 
of reading the said books, even in the midst of a session, 
to the great neglect of public affairs. ... I have it 
from good hands, that when his Excellency is at dinner 
with one or two scholars at his elbows, he grows a most in- 
supportable and unintelligible companion to all the fine 
gentlemen round the table. ... I am credibly informed 
he will, as I have already hinted, in the middle of a 
session quote passages out of Plato and Pindar at his 
own table to some book-learned companion, without 
blushing, c\'en when persons of great stations are by.' ^ 
Carteret's reputation as a Greek scholar was espe- 

> Swift, n'orks, Yll. 285-301. 

D D 


cially hi;/li. He had taken his love of Gfieek with liim 
from Oxford to Denmark and to Ireland, and he kept it 
tliroughout hh life, quoting Homer on his death-bed 
He wrote of liis son to S\dft : ' I tell him, study Greek, 
Koi ovSkf ovBewore Tairetvov evdvfiyjO-qcrrj ovre dyav iiri- 
dvjjLrjcreLs rivds. He knows how to construe this, and I 
have the ~atisfa':-tion to beheve he will fall into the 
-entiment ; and then, if he makes no figure, he will yet 
be a happy man.'^ Homer and Demosthenes were 
Carteret's two favourite Greek authors. An Enquiry 
lido the Life oji/l Writings of Homer, which appeared in 
London in 173o. was assumed, though incorrectlv, to 
be his. In 1732 he encouraged his friend Bentley to 
undertake an edition of Homer which Bentley had 
meditated six year- before. Carteret personally assisted 
by borrowing for Bentley aU the manuscripts which he 
V as able to procure ; some of thern from his old Christ 
Church friend, ilr. Harley. now second Earl of Oxford. 
Carteret wrote to Oxford in August 1732 : — 

' Having heard that your lordship has several curious 
manuscripts of Homer, I take the liberty to acquaint 
vou that Dr. Bentley has lately revised the whole works 
of Homer, which are now ready for the press, with his 
notes, some of which I have seen, and are very curious ; 
and he desires leave to coUate your manuscripts upon 
some suspected verses in our present editions. If your 
lordship wdl be plea-ed to let the Doctor have the manu- 
scripts for a sliort time for that purpose, I shall be 
obliged to you. I ha^'e set the Doctor at work, and 
would be glad to procure such as-istance as he desires. 
that he niay have no excuse not to proceed. If your 
lordship has no objection to this request, you will let 
him have the manuscripts tci be perused at Cambridge, 

1 :^wii-t, »'nrki, XLX. oO. March 24, 1707. 


upon his application to you. I desire the lionour of an 
answer, that I may acquaint tlie Doctor with it. As you 
are a known encourager of learning, and learned your- 
self, I hope this request will not be disagreeable to you.' 

And again in March 1733 : — 

'I thank your lordship for your great goodness in 
sending me the eleven manuscripts of Homer and re- 
lating to him, and for your permitting me to send them 
to Dr. Bentley. I shall take his receipt for you, and I am 
persuaded he will take great care of them ; they shall 
be returned to your lordship with thanks and honour- 
able mention of you.' ^ 

Of Carteret and Bentley — whose Homer was never 
published — there is a curious anecdote : — ■ 

' Dr. Bentley, when he came to town, was accus- 
tomed, in his visits to Lord Carteret, sometimes to spend 
the evenings with his lordship. One day old Lady 
Granville reproached her son with keeping the country 
clergyman who was with him the night before till he was 
intoxicated. Lord Carteret denied the chai'ge ; upon 
which the lady replied that the clergyman could not 
have sung in so ridiculous a manner unless he had been 
in liquor. The trutli of the case was, that the singing 
thus mistaken by her ladyship was Dr. Bentley s endea- 
vour to instruct and entertain his noble friend by reciting 
Terence acrordina; to the true cantilendfa of the ancients.' - 

Of a less-known scholar than Bentley, Dr. John 
Taylor, commonly called Demosthenes Taylor, Carteret 
was the special patron. Taylor — who is vaguely remem- 
bered as ' the most silent man, the merest statue of a 
man,' whom Johnson ever met, the man who, dining 
once in Johnson's company, distinguished himself by 

> Brit. Mus. Harleian M.S3. 7,o23 ; fol. 175-177. 
- Monk's Bentley, 580. 

D D .' 


uttering in the course of the dinner the one word 
' Richard ' — produced an edition of Demosthenes ; and 
Carteret, who had specially studied that author and had 
much of him by heart, helped Taylor in his work with 
books and abundant counsel. Taylor was particularly 
sorry that he could not use for his book some of the 
manuscripts in the Royal Library at Vienna. Carteret 
apphed to Maria Theresa, for whom he had done so 
much, and got Taylor what he wanted. He gave Taj'lor 
other practical help. In 1757 he secured for him tlie 
Residentiaryship of St. Paul's. When Carteret asked 
the King for this, George demurred. He had never, he 
said, heard of Taylor ; the preferment was a valuable 
one, and should be given to a scholar of reputation. 
With quiet quickness Carteret replied that Taylor's 
scholarship was famous throughout Germany. There 
was no need to say more to George H. 

Taylor was entrusted by Carteret with the education 
of his grandsons. Lord Weymouth and the Hon. Henry 
Frederick Thynne. Carteret himself laid down the 
plan and methods of their education ; with complete 
remembrance, says Taylor, of the answer of the old 
Greek, who, when asked what he desired his chil- 
dren to be taught, replied, ravT, el-rrev, oTs kol avSpes 
yevofj.ei'OL -^ptja-oPTai. 

Demosthenes was the subject of a German letter 
written by Carteret to a clerical friend of literary tastes. 
That an Englisli politician of the nineteenth century 
should write to his friends in German would call for no 
special notice ; but in 1736 things were different. The 
King of England was a German, but German was an 
unknown language to liis Enghsh subjects. Carteret 
Avas the only Englishman who could speak German \nth 
the King ; it may safely be stated that no leading 


English statesman except Carteret could have read six 
consecutive words of German. A German letter of 
Carteret's may therefore be quoted, if for no other 
I'eason than that Carteret was the only promhient 
English politician who could have written one. In 
17oG, and in the orthography of the day, Carteret wrote 
to the Eev. Mr. Wetstein, rector of Helmingham, 
Ipswich : — • 

' LiEBER VON Helmingham, — Die schone ubersetzung 
von Griechischer beredsamkeit, so er mir geschict hat, 
erfordert von mir alle ersinnliche erkentlichkeit. Icli 
sehe mit verAVunderung der Alten spur ; und dass 
Teutsch so von Ihrem feder fliesset, der weitlaufigen 
und gewaltigen Griechischen Schriebart sehr nahe 
kommt. Es ist gewiss dass der Eedner hat nicht so viel 
verlohren als in der Francosischen ubersetzung. Tourreil 
Avar ein gelehrter und geschichter man. Er verstunde, 
Avie seine anmerkungen bezeugen, dess Eedners innerste 
meinung, aber die Francosische sprache ist allzu schwach 
und unterliegt, Avan Demostenis Avichtige und strahlende 
gedancken mit durchdringender macht fortkommen 
solten. Ich sehe und flihle dass ihr Teutsch ist fahig, 
das alte Griechische feuer anzuzunden, welches in die 
andern ubersetzungen so Ich gesehen habe ist gantz 
ausgeloscht. Ich Avunsche ihnen alles gluck in dieser 
ehrlichen bemuhung, und bitte erlaubniss meinen brief 
mit einer Schweitzerischen Avahrsagung zu enden, Avelche 
Ich in SchAveitzerischen gedicten gelesen habe — 

Die Tugend wird dir selber geben 
Was gutes Ich dir Avunsclien kan. 

•Ich verbleibe, Ihr Eyfriger Schuler und Diener, 

' Carteret.' ^ 

1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 32,415 ; fol. 341. April 14, 1736. 


However much engrossed he might be in public 
affairs, Carteret always had time for the claims of 
learning and literature : — 

Who that can hear him, and on business, speak, 
Would dream he lunch 'd with Bentley upon Greek, 
And will to-night with Hutcheson regale on 
The feast of Reason in the tough To Kalon ? ' 

In the midst of his Swedish negotiations he visited 
Upsala University, and delighted in the society of its 
learned men. They also were dehghted with him, and 
Carteret kept up pleasant relations with them and their 
University in later years. While harassed in Dublin by 
the unhappy coinage scheme, he took considerable 
trouble to find out the moral philosopher Hutcheson, 
whose anonymously published Inquiry into the Original 
of our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue had interested him. 
Carteret astonished Hutcheson by his acquaintance with 
philosophical thought as much as he delighted him by 
the intimacy of his friendship. Indeed, to have any- 
thing like a tincture of scholarship or literature was 
sufficient to gain Carteret's favour. Many a strugghng 
writer received from him not merely empty and easy 
patronage, but effective help. His treatment of an ob- 
scure writer, one Cleland, son of the Colonel Cleland 
who sat for the Will Honeycomb of the Spectator, is 
thoroughly characteristic of Carteret. Cleland, not the 
most respectable of characters, found himself in trouble 
before the Privy Council for the nature of one of his 
publications. He pleaded poverty, and the truth of his 
plea was painfully evident. Carteret, when Cleland pro- 
mised never again to have anything to do with hterary 
ventures of that doubtful kind, obtained him a pension 

' Lord Lytton's St. Stejilien's. 


of a hundred a year ; on which the unfortunate man 
afterwards mainly hved, doing miscellaneous writing, 
and faithfully keeping his promise. 

The names of many of those who in their day were 
grateful for Carteret's assistance have long since been 
forgotten by posterity. The glimpses to be obtained 
of Carteret's connection with literary names not likely 
to pass into such rapid oblivion are tantalisingly super- 
ficial. There is no positive evidence that Carteret knew 
Voltaire ; but it is probable that they had met, 
for Voltaire was in England from May 1726 till the 
early months of 17'29, and Carteret was in London every 
year of his Irish Lord-Lieutenancy. Swift also was in 
London in 1726 and 1727 ; and it is not likely that 
Swift would have left Voltaire and Carteret unknown 
to each other. Voltaire got his Ilenrtade printed in 
London in a very cheerful pecuniary manner, and sent 
an early copy of it to Carteret in Dublin. ' I sent the 
other day a cargo of French dulness to my Lord-Lieu- 
tenant,' Voltaire wrote to Swift in 1727. No doubt he 
knew the man to whom he sent his superlative epic. 
"With the early work of another young author Carteret 
was also acquainted. In 1761, Gibbon, then aged 
twenty-four, published his French Essai sur V Etude de la 
Litterature. Mallet wrote to Gibbon in June 1761 : 'I 
found Lord Granville reading you, after ten at night. 
His single approbation, which he assures you of, will 
oQ for more than that of a hundred other readers.' 
Addison was another of Carteret's friends, though 
Carteret was not yet thirty when in 1719 Addison died. 
From Stockholm, Carteret wrote home to Craggs in 
December of that year : ' I had so true a friendship for 
Mr. Addison, and shall always retain so great respect 
for his memory, that I shall do my best to procure sub- 


scriptions for liis AVorks, not only from Her Majesty 
and the Prince, but from the most distinguished persons 
in Sweden.' Gay, too, had pleasant intercourse with 
Carteret. The Beggar'v Opera had been produced in 
1728 in London, and Carteret and Swift had enjoyed it 
in Dublin. 'We have your opera for sixpence,' Smft 
wrote to Gay, ' and ^ve are as full of it pro modulo 
nustro as London can be ; continually acting, and 
house crammed, and the Lord-Lieutenant several times 
there laughing his heart out.' ^ When Carteret's 
Lord-Lieiitenancy was over, he became personally 
acquainted with Gay. Prom Ame.sbury, the seat of 
the Duke and Duchess of Queensberry, Gay wrote to 
Swift :— 

' Lord Carteret was here yesterday, in his return 
from the Isle of Wight, where he had been a-sliooting, 
and left seven pheasants with us. He went this morn- 
ing to the Bath, to Lady Carteret, Avho is perfectly 
recovered. He talked of you three hours last night, 
and told me that you talk of me : I mean, that you are 
prodigiousl}- in his favour, as he says .... He seemed 
to take to me, which may proceed from your recom- 
mendation ; though, indeed, there is another reason for 
it, for he is now out of employment, and my friends 
have been generally of that sort, for I take to them, 
as being naturally inchned to tho-o who can do no 
mischief ^ 

Pope also was remembered in the conversations 
between Carteret and Swift in Dublin. Xo details re- 
main of the intimacy between Carteret and Pope; 
foolisli anecdote poorly fills up the blank by trying 
to believe that they once passed a whole evening to- 

1 Elwin'8 I'.qji-., Vn. A-ir,. March i'-, 17l'-:. 
• S^Yift, Worhs, XA'H. :jl.j, SH). Nov. 7, 1730, 


getlier in debating whether one should say Cicero or 
Kikero : — 

To sound or sink in Cano, or A, 
Or give up Cicero to C or K.' 

But Carteret's greatest friend was Swift diimself. 
Their early intimacy and the renewal of their friendship 
in Ireland have already been sufiiciently dwelt upon. 
They never saw each other again after Carteret left 
Dublin in 1730 ; for Swift, though invitations from the 
Carterets were not wanting, never revisited England 
after the death of Stella. The friendship thenceforth 
was continued by correspondence, of which the existing 
printed part is probably only a very meagre portion. 
In 1734 Carteret wrote to Swift : — 

' I had the honour of your letter, which gave me a 
considerable pleasure to see that I am not so much out 
of your thoughts, but that you can take notice of events 
that happen in my family. I need not say that these 
alliances [the marriages of his daughters] are very 
agreeable to me ; but that they are so to my friends 
adds much to the satisfaction I receive from them. 
They certainly enable me to contract my desires, Avhich 
is no inconsiderable step towards being happy. As 
to other things, I go on as well as I can ; and now 
and then observe that I have more friends now than I 
had when I was in a situation to do them service. This 
may be a delusion; however, it is a pleasing one. And 
I have more reason to believe a man, now I can do him 
no good, than I had when I could do him favours, 
which the greatest philosophers are sometimes tempted 
to solicit their friends about. . . . Lady Worsley. my 
wife, and daughters, to whom I have shown your letter, 

' Dunciad, IV. 221. 


not forgetting my mother, present their humljle service 
to you. And I desire to recommend the whole family, 
as well as myself, to the continuance of your favour.' ^ 
Again in 1735 : — 

' I thank you for taking notice of the prosperous 
events that have happened to my family. If alhance 
and the thoughts of prosperity can bind a man to the 
interest of his country, I am certainly bound to stand 
by liberty ; and when you see me forgetful of that, may 
you treat me hke Traulus and Pistorides.^ I am im- 
patient for four volumes, said to be your works, for 
which my wife and I have subscribed ; and we expected 
a dozen of copies from ]\Ir. Tickell last packet. I in- 
tend these works shall be the first foundation of tlie 
libraries of my three grandsons. In the meantime they 
will be studied by my son and sons-in-law. . . . Sir, 
that you may enjoy the continuance of all happiness is 
my wish ; as for futurity, I know your name "will be 
remembered, when the names of Kings, Lord-Lieutenants, 
Archbishops, and parliament poHticians will be forgotten ; 
at last, you yourself must faU into obhvion, which may 
happen in less than a thousand years, though the term 
may be uncertain, and will depend on the progress 
that barbarity and ignorance may make, notwithstand- 
ing the sedulous endea^'ours to the contrary of the 
great prelates in this and succeeding ages. My wife, 
my mother, my mother-in-law, my etc., etc., etc. aU join 
with me in good wishes to you.' ^ 

Once more, two years later: — 

' Your late Lord-Lieutenant [Duke of Dorset] tuld 

I Swift, jrorh; XVIU. 20>. iOn. April 1.3, 17-34. 
' Lord Allen and Rich. Tighe, whom Swift had satirised while Carteret 
was Lord-Lieutenant. 

' Swift, Tfo//:.-', XVTI. 277-270. March 6, 17.3.J. 


me, some time ago, he tlaought he was not in your 
favour. I told him I was of that opinion, and showed 
him tlie article of your letter relating to himself. I 
believe I did wrong ; not that you care a farthing for 
Princes or ministers, but because it was vanity in me 
to produce your acknowledgments to me for providing 
for people of learning, some of which I had the honour 
to promote at your desire, for which I still think myself 
obliged to you. And I have not heard that since they 
have disturbed the peace of the kingdom, or been 
Jacobites, in disgrace to you and me. 

' I desire you will make my sincere respects acceptable 
to Mr. Delany. He sent me potted woodcocks in per- 
fection, which Lady Granville, my wife and children, 
have eat ; though 1 have not yet answered his letter. My 
Lady Granville, reading your postscript, bids me tell 
you that she will send you a present ; and if she knew 
what you liked, she would do it forthwith. Let me 
know, and it shall be done, that the first of the family 
may no longer be postponed by you to the third place. 
My wife and Lady Worsley desire their respects should 
be mentioned to you rhetorically ; but as I am a plain 
peer, I shall say nothing but tliat 
' I am, for ever. Sir, 

' Your most humble and obedient servant, 

' Caeteeet.' ^ 

It is hardly possible that a really satisfactory hfe of 
Carteret should ever now be written. It is more than a 
hundred and twenty years since he died, after an active 
political life that extended over more than half a cen- 
tury ; but he found no Boswell among his own contem- 
poraries, and, with a really curious indifference to the 
brilliancy of his poHtical career and to the charm of 

' Swift, Worhs, XIX. 50, 51. March 24, 17'J7. 


his personal gifts and character, posteritj- has been con- 
tent to drop him from its memory. Xot quite so 
entirely, indeed, as it has dropped its unrememberable 
Hardwickes and Harringtons ; in an uneasy sort of way 
posterity sometimes vaguely wonders why it does not 
know more of Carteret. But this merely nominal and 
unintelligent remembrance has itself been a misfortune. 
For if the man of genius was not to be remembered 
with true and full knowledge, it was a double wrong 
that an unintelUgible and impossible figure should be 
set up to play fantastic tricks in the records of English 
history, and that this should gravely be declared to be 
the figure of Lord Carteret. For the Lord Carteret of 
the English historian is a fantastic impossibihty. At 
once a great statesman and a mere bombastic fanatic ; 
a great genius and an insincere trifler ; an unrivalled 
scholar and a frivolous farceur and consumer of Bur- 
gundy ; a despiser of stars and places and money, and 
a selfish place-hunter, content that the country should 
go to ruin if only he might cling to office. That figure 
is in a word incredible and impossible. It may not now, 
after so long a lapse of time, be possible to substitute a 
completely satisfactory portrait in place of the absurdly 
exaggerated and distorted one. But at least it is pos- 
sible to look without prejudice at the not inconsiderable 
body of first-hand evidence which remains, and to refuse 
credence to mo-t of the facile and self-contradicting 
criticism of the many writers who, after all, on this 
subject are not many voice.-, but only many echoe:^. 
Carteret suffered enough from self-interested 'misrepre- 
sentation during his own Hfetime. Xo one can have any 
interest in misknowing him now ; no one now can find 
any profit or satisfactiuii in blaming or praising him 
undii]v. J'')-teritvs -ole intere-t in him. if it has anv 


interest at all, is simply to know what his career and 
character really were ; to extricate them from the 
chaotic contradictions of political partisanship, as well as 
from tlie easy negligence and echoing repetitions of 
writers who would not knowingly misrepresent, but who 
have not cared to examine at first-hand for themselves. 
Let it be granted that Carteret had faults and committed 
mistakes ; he paid dearly enough for them in his own 
lifetime, and they were hardly of the kind to merit the 
reproof of posterity. He made the mistake of despising 
political jobbery, of refusing to flatter influential im- 
becility, of scornfully neglecting the greedy crowd of 
l)lace-hunters and pensioners and fawning flatterers, 
who thronged a corrupt Court and revelled in a corrupt 
society. Carteret neglected all that ; and in the days of 
George II. it was impossible to neglect it with impunitJ^ 
lie paid for it in his own lifetime by seeing power fall 
to those wlio would take the mean and customary -ways 
of obtaining it. It is a pity that he should continue to 
pay for it still. The motto of the noble house of which 
Carteret was tlie most distinguished member must itself 
appeal to the inquirer who ventures to examine Car- 
teret's career for himself ; for his examination will not 
liave led him far before he discovers that to know what 
can be known and to tell what can be told of such 
a statesman and genius as Carteret is indeed Lmjrd 


ADDISON, becomes Secretary of 
State, 25 ; remark of Carteret 
on, 387, 388 ; Carteret's friend- 
ship for, 407, 408 

Ahremberg, Diiie d', his early 
dinner-horn-, 256 ; on bad terms 
with Stair, 265 ; in London, 
296 ; in Flanders, 299 

Aislabie, Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, sent to the Tower, 65 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, 825 ; 
Treaty of, id. 

iUberoni, 31,71; assists the Jacob- 
ites, 38 ; disgraced, 39 ; quoted, 

Ahnon, contradicts false story of 
Carteret and Pitt, 360, 361 

Alsace, invaded by the Austrians, 

America, Spanish claims on, 201 ; 
limited European trade with, 

Andrie, Prussian ambassador to 
England, gives Carteret message 
from Frederick, 249 

Anne, Qvieen, 23 ; death of, 25 

Anson, Admhal, 222 

Argyle, Duke of, opposes Walpole's 
Spanish policy, 214, 215, 223, 
226 ; remark of George II. on, 
239 ; becomes A\'ar Minister, 
241 ; his dissatisfaction, 242 ; 
resigns, 243 ; attacks Carteret, 
244," 258 

Arnold, Matthew, quoted, 3G4re 

Aschaffenberg, Stair and the En- 
glish aUies at, 265 ; letter of 
Carteret from, 266 

Atterbury, at Westminster School, 

14 ; his Jacobite plot, 79 
August, King of Poland, 36, 191 

BAKEINGTON, Lord, on the 
Government dm-ing the Seven 
Years' A^ar, 353 

Bassewitz, 41, 42, 51 

Bath, Earl of. See Granville, Sir 

Bath, Earl of. See Pulteney 

Battles, Chotusitz, 249 ; Ozaslau, 
id. ; Fahiirk, 318 ; Fontenoy, 
316 ; Lansdowne, 12 ; Malpla 
quet, 15 ; Messina, 71 ; Moll 
witz, 230 ; Pultowa, 37 ; South 
wold Ba>-, 10 

Bavaria, Elector of, candidate for 
the Empire, 232 ; becomes Em- 
peror, 245 

Bedford, Duke of, Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, 131; joins 
Pelham's Government, 309 ; 
Newcastle's schemes against, 
321) ; resigns, 329 ; negotiates 
with France in the Seven Years' 
War, 361 

Beggar's Opera, produced, 408 

Belleisle, Coimt of, his designs on 
Germany, 247 

Bentinok, Earl of, on Carteret's 
foreign policy, 250, 251 ; on 
Wade, 300 

Bentley, Dr., becomes Master of 
Trinity, 14 ; his quarrels with 
the Fellows, 386 ; encouraged 
by Carteret to edit Homer, 
402, 403 ; anecdote of, 403 



Beranger, quoted, 1-j2 

Berkeley, Bishop, 16 

Bemsdorf, 35, 52 

Bermck. Marshal, 102 ; kiUed, 

Bolingbroke, Lord, 15 ; Carteret 
dines with, 17 ; joins the Go- 
vernment, 18; resigns, 19 ; 
returns topo-i^er, 20 ; friendship 
with Smft and Carteret, 17 ; 
incUnes to the Jacobites, 23 ; 
rivahry 'nith Harle^-, 23, 25 ; 
ruined by Queen Anne's death, 
25 ; in opposition to Walpole, 
161 ; Queen Caroline on, 166 

Bolton. Earl of, 168 

Boswell, anecdote of Carteret by, 
269, 270 

Bothniar. 31 

Boirlter, Hugh, Primate of Ireland, 
125 ; ad-i-i?es withdrawal of 
Wood's patent, 126, 128 ; his 
pohcy towards Ireland, 120. 
130 ; on Carteret's Lord-Lieu- 
tenancy. 132, 133 

Bourbon, Duke of. becomes French 
Eegent, 100 ; declines a Spanish 
marriage for Louis XY., 148 ; 
fall of, 151 

Braddock, General, defeat of, in 
America, 339 

Breda, Congress of. 323 

Bremen, acquired by George I., 
37 ; formally yielded by Sweden, 
51, 52 

Breslau, Treaty of, 250. 314 

Brest. French Expedition from, 

Breton, Cape, acquired by Eng- 
land, 326 

Broad-Bottom, Government on, 
242, 308 

Brodrick, Alan. See Midleton 

Brodi-ick, Mr., 105. 106. 107, 111 

Brodrick, St. John, 112 

Burke, on Jenkins' ear, 206 
Bute, Earl of, character, 355 ; 
Secretarj- of State. 356 ; de.~Tres 
to end the Seven Years' War, 
361 ; Prime Minister. iV7. ; makes 
Peace of Paris, 362 
BjTig, Sir George. Admiral, des- 
troys Spanish fleet at Me.=sina, 


Byng, John, Admiral, fails to re- 
lie\e Minorca, 343 

CALEXDAE, reform of the, New- 
castle's dread of, 810 

Cambrai, Congress of, 72 ; great 
difficulties in its way, 75-70 ; 
meets at last, 70 ; its futility, 
147 ; collapse of, 149 

Coiiipredon, French minister at 
Stockholm, 53 

Carhsle, Lord, awkward position 
of, 319, 320 

Carlos, Don, his claim to Italian 
Duchies, 69, 77 ; rumour of his 
possible marriage with >Iaria 
Theresa, 150 ; secures the 
Duchies, 154, 157 ; declared 
King of Xaples and Sicily, 196 

Carlyle, Thomas, on Carteret's 
diplomacy, 56; on Carteret as 
Foreign Minister, vti. : on Car- 
teret's policy, 277 ; his mistake 
about Carteret, 3.59 (and note) 

Caroline, Queen, wife of George 
IL, her support of Walpole, 158. 
1G5 ; criticism of Carteret and 
Bolingbroke, 166 : inclines to- 
wards Carteret, 182-184 ; her 
quarrel with the Prince of 
Wales, 180. 186 ; death, 180 

Cartagena, failure of EngUsh 
attack on, 234 

Carteret. Lady Anne, befriends 
Prynne, 2. 3 

Carteret, Lady Frances, first wife 
of Lord Carteret, marriage, 17 ; 
early friendship with Swift, id. ; 
renewed friendship with Swift 
in Ireland, 137, 13^ ; bwift's 
ver.!es on, 370 ; Swift on her 
lieauty. 371: with Carteret to 
Hanover. 372 ; death, 373 

Carteret, Lady Frances, daughter 
of Lord Carteret, maniage to 
Marqms of Tweeddale, 373 : her 
musical abilities, 374 ; her direc- 
tions for her burial, id. 

to Hon. J. Spencer, 372 ; second 
marriage to Earl Cowper, id. ; 
on the Granville blood, 302 

Carteret, Lady Grace, marriage 
to Earl of Dvsart. 371 



Carteret, Lady Louisa, marriage 
to Viscount Wej-mouth, 871 

Carteret, Sir George, raises forces 
against the Parliament, 3 ; re- 
ceives the Prmce of Wales in 
Jersej', 4 ; intimacy with Lord 
Clarendon, 4-5 ; proclaims King 
Charles II. in the Channel 
Islands, 5 ; Treasurer of the 
Navy, 7 ; kindness to Pepys, id. 

Carteret, Sir Philip, 8 ; Pepys' 
account of his marriage, 8-10 

CARTERET, Lord, hh-th, 13 ; at 
Westminster School, 14 ; at 
Christ Ghm'ch, 15 ; Swift on his 
Oxford Ufe, 16 ; early friend- 
ship with Swift, id. ; and with 
Bolingbroke, 17, 20 ; marries 
Lady FrancesAVorsley, 17 ; takes 
seat in Lords, 18 ; joins the 
Whigs, 21 ; early connection 
with Stanhope and Sunderland, 
21 ; supports the cause of the 
Protestant Succession, '22, 2.'^ ; 
made Lord-Lieutenant of De- 
vonshu-e, 25 ; supports the 
House of Hanover, 2(i ; supports 
Septennial Act, 27-28; early 
interest in foreign politics, iil. ; 
made ambassadi ir extraordinary 
to Sweden, 39; at Gothenburg 
and Stockholm, 40 ; fi-iendship 
with the Queen and Prince of 
Sweden, 40, 49 ; diplomatic 
difliculties, 42-13 ; secures pre- 
liminary Convention for peace 
between England and Sweden, 
42 ; and between Prussia and 
Sweden, 48 ; popularity m Swe- 
den, 50 ; persuades S«'eden to 
treat with Denmark, 51 ; secures 
final treaty between Sweden 
and England, 55 ; and between 
Sweden and Prussia, 5(j ; ar- 
ranges armistice between Swe- 
den and Denmark, 51 ; and 
final peace, Gl ; leaves Sweden, 
id. ; at Fredericksburg and Co- 
penhagen with the King of 
Denmark, 61-63 ; returns to 
England, 64 ; made Secretary of 
State for the Southern Depart- 
ment, 66 ; his foreign policy, 
72 ; refuses to cede Gibraltar, 

77 ; to Hanover «lth the King 
and Townshend, 79 ; Walpole's 
jealousy of, 81 ; kno^^■s his own 
danger, 82 ; \isit to Berlin, 85 ; 
opposed at Hanover by Towns- 
hend, 87 ; his favour with the 
Kmg, 88 ; his influence in 
France, 89 : plotted against in 
France hy Walpole and Towns- 
hend, 94, 95 ; suspicious of his 
colleagues, 97 ; success of Wa.!- 
pole's plot against, 100 ; made 
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
101 ; declmes to quarrel with 
Walpole and Townshend, 102 ; 
arrives in Dublin, 116 ; connec- 
tion with the Irish coinage 
question, 111-112 ; early ad- 
vises cancelling ^\'ood's patent, 
113 ; Newcastle's treacherj' to, 
114 ; forced to issue proclama- 
tion against Swift, 120 ; strange 
scene with Swift, 120-121 ; re- 
news advice of ending Wood's 
patent, 125, 127 ; announces 
that it is cancelled, 12M ; his 
difficult positi()u in Ireland, 
130-131 ; on the Irish Parlia- 
ment, 131 ; impartiaUty m Ire- 
land, 132 ; great popularity 
tliere, 133 ; correspondence with 
Swift in Ireland, 133-137 ; re- 
newed friendship %vith Swift, 
141-145 ; intimacy with Dr. 
Sheridan, 141-142 ; opposes 
French designs in Germany, 155 ; 
attempts agreement with Wal- 
pole, l61 ; joins the opposition 
against hun, 163 ; Queen Caro- 
line on, 166 ; his fairness in op- 
position, 109, 219; parliamen- 
tary action in the Porteous case, 
172-176 ; relations with Queen 
Caroline, 182-184, 18(5-189 ; on 
Walpole's foreign poHcy, 198- 
199 ; on "Walpole's good-luck, 
200 ; attacks Walpole's Spanish 
pohcy, 207, 208, 210, 213-215 ; 
desires alliance with Prussia, 
218 ; leads great party debate 
against Walpole, 223-225 ; sup- 
ports cause of Maria Theresa, 
229-230, 235 ; negotiated with, 
after fall of Walpole, 239-240 ; 


41 y 


becomes Secretary of State, 
241 ; his foreign policy, 24(5- 
247 ; on character of Frederick 
tlie Great, 248 ; brings about 
peace between Frederick and 
Maria Theresa, 250 ; his great 
popularitj', id. ; anxious to help 
Maria Theresa, 251 ; and to get 
the French out of .the Empire, 
254 ; goes to the Hague, 255 ; 
success there, id. ; attacked by 
disappointed politicians, 257- 
258 ; on his French poUcy, 261 ; 
goes again to the Hague, 204 ; 
at Aschaffenberg, 266 ; his des- 
patch on the battle of Dettm- 
gen, 269; his ]ioHcy towards 
the Emperor, 271-273 ; se])a- 
rates him from the French, 
274 ; his plans ruined bj- the 
ministers at home. 275 ; secures 
treaty between Maria Theresa 
and Sardinia, 279 ; differences 
with the Pelhams, 280-284 ; 
returns to England, 284 ; suc- 
cess of his foreign policy, 285 - 
280 ; -i-iolentlj' attacked by Pitt, 
286, 288, 290, 292; threatened 
by ' "Wat Tyler,' 291 ; contiaued 
opposition to France, 294 ; dif- 
ficulties in his Government, 
290 -298 ; misrepresented, ml ; 
supported by the King, 502, 
304 ; forced to resign, 305 ; be- 
comes Earl Granville, 307 ; 
attacked again by Pitt, 314 ; re- 
appointed Chief Secretary of 
State. 319; resigns, 320 ; refiises 
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, 
327 ; becomes Lord- President 
of the Council in Pelham's 
Government, 329 ; on Fox, 
338 ; his advice before outbreak 
of the Seven Years' War, 340 ; 
declines to become Prime Minis- 
ter, 341 ; negotiates between 
Fox and Newcastle, 342 ; takes 
Fox's resignation to the King, 
345 ; rebukes Fox, 346 ; again 
refuses to become Prime Jlinis- 
ter, 348 ; secures Pitt to the 
Duke of Devonsliire's Govern- 
ment, 349 ; on Pitt, 350 ; on 
Hardwicke, 354 355 ; on Pitt's 


French negotiations, 356, 358 ; 
speech on Pitt's re.signation 
falsely assigned to, 359 ; hia 
real opinion of Pitt, 360-361 ; 
advrjcates war with Spain, 301 ; 
failing health, 303 ; quotes 
Homer on his death-bed, 364 ; 
death, 365 ; happy private life, 
360 ; marriages of his daughtei s, 
371-372 ; letter on his first 
wife's death, 373 ; story of his 
second marriage, 378-384 : Lis 
parhamentaiw oratory, 385-38fi ; 
his idiomatic private talk, 380- 
387 ; conversational powers, 
387-388 ; his good-hmnour, 
389-391 ; high spirit and cou- 
rage, 392-393 ; painstakiug, 
394; carelessness of popularity, 
394 ; neglect of usual parlia- 
mentary methods, 395-396 ; in- 
difference to money, 397 : par- 
liamentary weakness, 398 400 ; 
poUtical knowledge, id. ; lin- 
guistic knowledge, 401 : classi- 
cal scholarship, 401-402 : assi-^ts 
Bentley, 402-403 ; love of lite- 
ratmre, 406 ; intercourse with 
Yiiltaire, 407 ; friendship for 
Addison, 407-4iJ8 ; and for Gay, 
408 ; and for Pope, id. : con-e- 
spondence with Swift, 409-411 

Catherine, Czarina of Russia, 151, 

Charles II.. in Jersey, 4-6 

Charles VI., Emperor of Ger- 
many, 08 -69 ; his disputes with 
Spain, 70, 155 ; calls himself 
Kmg of Spain, 70 ; surrenders 
the title, 149 ; his war with 
France, 193 ; refased help by 
Walpole, 199 ; accepts English 
mediation, 200 ; death, 223 

Charles VII., Emperor of Ger- 
many, 245 ; appeals to Carteret 
for help, 271 ; negotiations with 
Carteret, 271-275 ; death, 316 

Charles XII.. King of Sweden, 
30, 36 ; an exile in Turkey, 37 ; 
at Stralsund, id. ; assists the 
Jacobites, 37 ; death. 39 

Charles. Prince, brother-in-law of 
ilaria Theresa, defeated at 
Czaslau, 249 ; tries to enter Al- 




Bace, 203 ; succeeds, 299 ; re- 
treats, 301 

Charles Emanuel, King of Sar- 
dinia, 278 ; secured to Maria 
Theresa by Carteret, 279 

Chatham, Earl of. See Pitt 

Chesterfield, Earl of, 82 ; quoted, 
90 ; dismissed by Walpole, 167 ; 
opposes Walpole's Spanish 
poHcy,210,215; dissatisfied with 
thenewGovernment,241; sneers 
at Hanover, 260, 285, 289, 292 ; 
joins the Pelhams against Car- 
teret, 303 ; anger of George II. 
wifcli, 308 ; becomes Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, id. ; his 
reform of the Calendar, 310 ; 
becomes Secretary of State in 
the Pelhams' Government, 324 ; 
resigns in disgust, 325 ; on 
Carteret, 363 ; on Carteret's 
parliamentary eloquence, 385 

Choiseul, Duke of, his negotiations 
with Pitt, 356-357 

Chohnondeley, Earl of, 207 

Chotusitz, Battle of, 249 

Churchill, John. See Marlborough 

ChurohiU, Sarah. See Marlbo- 
rough, Duchess of 

Cibber, CoUey, his limping verses, 

Claremont, Newcastle and his 
mushrooms at, 311 

Clarendon, Earl of, 3 ; in Jersey, 
4 ; writing his History there, 6 

Clayton, Mrs. See Sundon 

Cleland, Colonel, Carteret's kind- 
ness to, 406 

Cnyphausen, Prussian Slinister at 
Stockholm, 53 

Cobham, Earl of, 168 

Compact, The Family, 358 

Compton, Sir Spencer. See "Wil- 

ConrUiahulum, The, 353, 357 

Cotton, Sir John, 243 

Cowper, Lord, becomes Lord 
Chancellor, 18 

Cowper, Countess. See Carteret, 
Lady Georgiana 

CraggR, James, Secretary of State, 
on Bernsdorf, 35 ; letters of 
Carteret to, 42, 49 ; death, 66 ; 
on political honesty, 298 


Cromwell, opposed by Sir George 
Carteret, 6 

Cumberland, Duke of, fondness 
for war, 252 ; at Aschaffenberg, 
266 ; wounded at Dettingen, 
284 ; at funeral of George II., 
312 ; beaten at Fontenoy, 316 ; 
fi-iendship with Bedford and 
Sandwich, 326 

Czaslau, Battle of, 249 

DARLINGTON, Comitess of, 90; 

her superstition, 91 ; supports 

Carteret, id. 
Delany, Dr., Carteret's friendship 

with, 389 
Delany, Mrs., on Lady Carteret,371 
Dettingen, vdlage of, 267 ; battle 

of, 268 
Dettingen TeDeam, Handel's, 270 
Devonshire, Duke of, attempts to 

reconcile Pitt and Fox, 348 ; 

Prime Minister, 349 
Dodington, Bubb, 89, 290 ; his 

Diary quoted, 340, 341 
Dorset, Duke of, 144 
UnipieT's Letters, Swift's, 103, 

111, 117-119 
Dubois, Cardinal, 32, 72-73, 77, 

89, 92, 94 
Dungeness, French fleet at, 295 
Duquesne, Fort, Braddock de- 
feated at, 339 
Dysart, Earl of, marries Lady 

Grace Carteret, 371 

Elizabeth Famese, Queen of 

Spain, 69 ; her disputes with 

Charles VI., 70-71 ; her anger 

with France, 149 
Eugene, Prince, 196 
Excise, Walpole's scheme of, 165 ; 

defeated, 167 

FALKIEK, Battle of, 318 
Fermor, Lady Charlotte, 384, n. 
Fermor, Lady Sophia, 375 ; Ho- 
race AValpole and, 376 ; Lord 
Lincoln and, id. ; her beauty 
and London successes, 377 ; 




marriage to Carteret, 378 38'2 ; 
her great popularity, 382-383 ; 
death, 384 

FlevuT, Cardinal, Pope on, 151 ; 
di-pnte with Charles YI., 153, 
l.jlj ; supports Stanislaus as 
King of Poland, 191; Carteret 
on 21 D : secures Lorraine for 
France, 225 ; -niites to Frederick 
the Great on Carteret, 246 

Fontenoy. Battle of, 31C 

Fox, HeniT, conversation with 
Carteret on the Irish Parlia- 
ment, 131 ; joins Pelham's Go- 
vernment, 309 ; appointed 
Secretary of State, 335 ; resigns 
next day, 336 ; attacks Sir 
Thomas Eobinson, 337 ; joms 
Newcastle's Government, 388 : 
Cartei'et's compliment to, id. ; 
Serretary of State again, 342 ; 
ill-treated, and resigns, 344 ; 
anger of George II. vrAh, 345- 
340 ; Carteret's rebuke to, 340 ; 
attempts to form a Government 
with AValdegrave, 352 ; bribed 
to secure majority for Peace of 
Paris, 362; secret marriagt with 
Lady Caroline Lennox, 382 

Francis, Grand Duke, husband of 
Maria Theresa, 245 

Frederick the Great, seen by his 
grandfather, George I.. 86 ; ac- 
cession of, 223 : invades Silesia, 
228-229 ; gains battle of JIoll- 
witz, 230 ; makes treaty with 
France, 232 ; makes peace with 
Maria Theresa, 233 ; attacks 
her again, 245 ; failure, 245- 
246 ; gains battle of Czaslau, 
249 ; accepts peace on Carteret's 
mediation, 250 ; compliments 
Carteret, id. ; on Carteret's 
German policy, 274 ; early 
failures in second Silesian war, 
300-301 ; gains Silesia again, 
316 ; subsidised by England in 
Seven Years' "War, 353 ; de- 
serted by England, 3C2 

Frederick, Prince of \Yale8, his 
quarrel with George II., 177 : 
arrival in England, id. ; joins 
the opposition, 178 : marriage 
of, 179 ; brings his affairs before 

ParUament, 180-181 ; renewed 
quarrel with the King and 
Queen, 185-186 ; Lord Shel- 
bume on, 188 ; death, 328 

Frederick William, King of Prus- 
sia, his fitful friendship with 
George I., 30 ; joins the aUiance 
against Charles XII., 37 ; ac- 
cepts English mediation, 40; 
his demands on Sweden, 47 ; 
his economics, 55 ; makes peace 
with Sweden, 56 ; visits George 
I. at Hanover, 84 ; audience of 
Carteret mth, id. ; accepts the 
Treaty of Hanover, 150 ; leaves 
it, 152 ; his opinion of George 
II., 177 ; death, 222 

Friend, Piobert, head-master of 
Westminster School, 14 

GAY, his Beggar's Ox>era, 408 ; 
friendshijj of Carteret for, id. 

Germaine, Lady Betty, 17 

German, small knowledge of, in 
England under the German 
Kings, 88, 404 ; Carteret's 
knowledge of, 88 ; letter in, by 
Carteret, 405 

George I., reception in England, 
20 ; his quaiTel with the Prince 
of Wales, 34 ; dislike of Wal- 
pole, 82 ; favour for Carteret, 
82, 88, 101 ; visit to Berlin, 
85-80 ; makes Treatv" of Han- 
over, 150 ; death, 152 

George II., his language about his 
ministers, 157 ; and about the 
bishops, 100 ; his quarrel with 
the Prince of Wales, 177, 
185-186 ; fondness for war, 
195 ; unable to helj) jNIaria 
Theresa, 281 ; on Walpole, 237 ; 
conversation with Pulteney, 
239 ; makes second attempt to 
help ^Maria Theresa, 254 ; fails, 
256; makes third attempt, 261 ; 
joins his army, 265 : gains 
battle of Dettingen, 208 ; on 
Frederick the Great, 301 ; dis- 
likes the Pelhams, 302, 308 
supports Carteret, 302, 304 
treads on Newcastle's toe, 311 
disgust with the Pelhams' Go 



veniment, 317 ; sends the seals 
to I'arteret, 319 ; forced to ac 
cept the Pelhams agam, 3'20 
calls Newcastle a fool, 3'2'i 
obliged to admit Pitt to office, 
322-3'23 ; hates his ministers, 
324 ; his Hanover subsidies, 
340-341; his anger with Fox, 
845-346; and with Pitt, 348, 
350 ; and with Temple, 350 
orders Pitt to resign, id. ; ac 
cepts Newcastle and his 'foot 
men,' 352 ; death, 355 

George III., on the Carteret 
family, 2 ; accession of, 355 

Clibbon, at school, 323 ; Carteret 
on, 407 

Gibraltar, proposed, cession of, to 
Sp.-iin, 73-74 ; cession refused 
by Carteret, 77 ; cession of, de- 
manded by Spam and refused, 
151 ; siege of, 151, 153 ; Spanish 
claim dropped, 154 

Glover, Kichard, 244 

Godolphiu, Lord, 18, 19, 20 

G^odwin, William, quoted, 305-806 

Cloethe, 3(13 

Gortz, Baron, 37; plots with the 
Jacobites, 38 ; executed, 39 

Grafton, Duke of, Lord-Lieutenant 
of Ireland, 100; alarmed by 
Wood's jiatent, 105; annoys and 
irritates Walpole, 106-108 ; \\-a\- 
pole's angry letter to, 108-109 ; 
joins Pclliam's Government, 309 

Clrainniont, Duke of, his mistake 
at the battle of Dettmgen, 268 

(h'anville. Family of, 1, 10 

Granville, Sir Bevil, killed at 
Lansdowne, 12 

Crranville, Lady Elizabeth, 374 

Ciranville, George, Lord Lans- 
downe, 20 

Gra]iviUe, Grace, Countess Gran- 
ville, 13, 3li7 ; created Vis- 
countess Carteret and Coimtess 
Granville, 25 : her fi-iendship 
with Swift, 367-308 ; her im- 
petuous wavs, 368-369; letter 
to Carteret, 370 ; death, 307, 367 

GKANVILLE, Earl, Lord Car- 
teret. See Carteret. 

Granville, Su- John, Earl of Bath 
and Baron Granville, 12 ; pro- 

claims Charles II. in the Scilly 
Islands, id. ; confidential nego- 
tiations during the Restoration, 

Grau'i'ille, Sir Bichard, his fight 
against the Spanish fleet, 11 12 

GranvOle, Robert, second Earl of, 
death, 385 

Granville, Lady Sophia Fermor, 
Countess of. See Fermor 

Grenville, Bichard, Earl Temple, 
197 ; on Pitt, 259 

HANAU, Carteret's negotiations 
at, 273-275 ; Khevenhtiller at, 
293 ; Carteret's toast at, id. 

Handel, his Dettingen Te Deum, 

Hanover, anxiety of George II. 
for, 229 ; hinders George from 
helping Maria Theresa, 231 ; 
neutrality of, 232 ; attacks on, 
in Parliament, 259-261, 285, 
288 -292 ; subsidies for, refused 
by Pitt and Legge, 341 

Planover, Treaty of, 150 

Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, 
draws up Memorial against 
Carteret, 303; inter\iews with 
George II., 804, 313; Carteret 
on, 354-355 

Harley, Edward, Earl of Oxford,15 

Harley, Bobert, Earl of Oxford, 
joins Godolphin's Government, 
18 ; nickname of, 19 ; forced to 
resign, id. ; retm^ls to power, 
20; rivahy with Bolingbroke, 25 

Harrington, Earl of, 74 ; makes 
treaty of Seville, 154 ; rudely 
resigns office, 318 ; resumes 
office, 320 ; anger of George II. 
with, 322 ; Lord-Lieutenant of 
Ireland, 324 

Hatton, Lord, 15 

Hawke, Admiral, 339, 840 

Hawley, General, defeated at Fal- 
kirk, 318 

HerA-ey^ Lord, at Westminster 
School, 14 ; on Walpole and 
Pultenev, 160 ; quotes ^^'alpole 
on Carteret, 168, 183 ; on Car- 
teret, 172 ; conversation with 
Carteret, 176 ; on ^Valpole's 




falsehood about Carteret, 188 ; 
dismissed from the Government, 
241 ; on Newcastle, 309 ; anec- 
dote of Carteret by, 390 

Hesse, Prince WQHam of, nego- 
tiates with Carteret on behalf of 
the Emperor, 271-275 ; his mis- 
conception of Carteret, 276 

Hessen-Cassel, Prince of. King of 
Sweden, his friendship with 
Carteret, 40, 49 

Hill, Abigail, supports Harley, 19, 

Homer, quotation from, by Car- 
teret, 364 

Howard, Lord Thomas, 11 

Hutcheson, Francis, his friendship 
with Carteret, 406 

Hyde, Edward. See Clarendon 

Hyndford, Lord, ambassador at 
Berlin, tries to reconcile Frede- 
rick with Maria Theresa, 282 ; 
arranges Treaty of Breslau, 

IPiELAXD, Carteret becomes 
Lord-Lieutenant of, 101 ; the 
copper coinage of, and \Yood's 
Patent, 103-128 ; Primate 
Boulter's policy towards, 129 ; 
Swift on English government 
of, 131 ; quietness of, during 
Carteret's Lord-Lieutenancy, id. 

JACOBITES, the, 23; BoUng- 
broke and, id. 

Jersey, home of the Carterets in, 
1 ; defended by them against 
the French, 2 ; Cliarles II. in, 
4 ; Cromwell's attack on, 6, 7 

Jenkins, Piobert, the storv of his 
ear, 206, 212 

Johnson, Dr., 212 ; his anecdote 
of Dr. John Tavlor, 403-404 

Wood's Irish coinage, 104, 108, 

Khevenhiiller, General, recovers 

Linz, 245 ; successes of, 251 ; 

visits George II. at Hanau, 293 
King, Dr. William, Archbishop of 

Dublin, on Carteret and Wood's 

coinage, 119-121 ; his action in 

the Irish ParHament, 128 ; his 

friendjhip with Lady Carteret, 

KleinschneUendorf, Treaty of, 233; 

cancelled, 24.5 
Knipe, Dr. Thomas, head-master 

of Westminster School, 14 

LANSDOWXE, Battle of, 12 

Lansdowne, Lord. See Granville, 

Lansdowne, First Marquis of. See 

Layer, his Jacobite plot, 79 

Legge, Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, refuses subsidy for 
Hanover, 341 ; dismissed, 342 

Lennox, Lady Caroline, Henry 
Fox's secret marriage with, .362 

Leonidas, Kichard Glover's, 244 

Lewenohr, Danish ambassador to 
Sweden, 58-60 

Lexden Heath, camp on, 252 

Lincoln, Lord, his fancy for Lady 
Sophia Fermor, .570, B76 

Longleat, Carteret's marriage at, 
17, .371 

secured to France by treaty, 200 

Louis XV., w ithdraws his troops 
fi'om Germany, 293 ; his cam- 
paign in Flanders and illness at 
Metz, 209 

Lyttelton, Lord, his first session 
in ParUament, 197 : joins the 
Pelhams against Carteret. 303 

Lytton, Lord, on Carteret, iii., 406 

KEXDAL, Duchess of, 82; Horace 
Walpole's description of, 90-91 ; 
her influence with Creorge I., 
91 ; supports Walpole and 
Townshend, 91. '■)-; her ava- 
rice, 91, 103 ; bribed to support 

MAHOX, Port, attacked by the 

French, 343 
Maillebois, goes to relief of French 

in Prag, 2.54 
Mansfield, Lord, at Westminster 

School, 14 ; first speech in Par- 




liament, 2C0 ; uninterested in 
politics, 384 ; declines to remain 
in Parliament, 544; on Carteret's 
fine temper, 390 
Marchmont, Earl of, English am- 
bassador to Denmark, 57-58, 
60 ; on Carteret, George I., and 
the Duchess of Kendal, 82 ; on 
Walpole and the Spanish ques- 
tion, 211 ; on Harrington's rude- 
ness to George II., 318 ; on 
Pulteney and Lord Carlisle, 320 ; 
letter from Carteret to, 219 ; 
conversation with Chesterfield, 
324 ; dismissed by "Walpole, 
Maria Theresa, accession of, 228 ; 
defeated at MoUwitz, 230 ; sub- 
sidised by England, 231 ; ap- 
peals to Huni;iay, 232 ; makes 
peace with Frederick, 283 ; at- 
tacked by Frederick, 245 ; sur- 
renders Silesia and makes peace, 
250 ; not very grateful to Eng- 
land, 263 ; makes treaty with 
Sardinia, 279 ; again attacked 
by Frederick, 300-801 ; forced 
again to yield Silesia, 316 

Marlborough, Duchess of, 19 ; on 
Carteret, 226 

Marlborough, Duke of, his connec- 
tion with political parties, 18 ; 
refuses to act with Harley, 19 ; 
dismissed, 68 

Masham, Mrs. See HiU 

Melcombe, Lord. See Dodington 

Messina, Spanish fleet destroyed 
at, 71 

Midleton, Lord, Lord Chancellor 
of Ireland, 105 ; anger of George 
I. with, 112-113; conversation 
with Carteret on the Drapier's 
Letters, 119 ; on Carteret's ditii- 
culties in Ireland, 127 ; Parha- 
mentary conduct of, 128 

Minorca, capture of, by Stanhope, 
22 ; taken by the French, 343 

MoUwitz, Battle of, 230 

Moravia, failure of Frederick the 
Great's expedition in, 245 

Motion, the, 227-228, n. 

Movie, General, his conduct during 
the Porteous riots, 171 

Murray, WiUiam. See Mansfield 


NEAVCASTLE, Duke of, 07,68; 
his early treachery to Carteret, 
114 ; bullied by Queen Carolme, 
175 ; on Carteret, 188 ; attempts 
to intrigue with Pulteney, 238 ; 
his jealousy of Carteret, 258 ; 
interferes mth Carteret's Ger- 
man policy, 275 ; plots against 
Carteret, 283, 296-298 ; dishked 
by George II., 302 ; presents 
Memorial against Carteret, 303 ; 
triunrphs over him, 305 ; cha- 
racter of, 309-318; supported 
by Pitt, 313-314; George II. 
disgusted with, 317 ; resigns, 
818 ; returns to power, 320 ; 
quarrels with his brother, 824 ; 
plots against Duke of Bedford, 
826; tries to gam over Carteret, 
327 ; sad condition of, 327- 328 ; 
becomes Prime Minister, 833 ; 
slinks out of his engagement 
with Fox, 386 ; negotiates with 
Fox, 388 ; his absurdity as Prime 
Minister, 339 ; appeals for help 
to Carteret, 841 ; forms union 
with Fox, 342 ; abandoned by 
Murray and Fox, 344 ; distress 
of, 347 ; again implores Carteret 
to become Prime Jlinister, 348 ; 
at last resigns, /(/. ; tries to form 
a new Government with Pitt, 
351 ; intrigues against A\'alde- 
grave and I'ox, 352 ; Prime 
Minister again, 353 ; resigns, 
361 ; his absurdity on I'ox's 
secret marriage, oH3 ; and on 
Lady Granville's receptions, id. 

Newton, Sir Isaac, Master of the 
Mint, 110 

NoaUles, will not fight Stair, 205 ; 
his plans for defeating the Eng- 
lish alhes, 267 

Norris, Admiral, 37. 41, 44, 47-49 ; 
sails to Stockholm to support 
Sweden, 49 ; sails to meet the 
French at Dungeness, 295 

Nugent, Earl, arranges private 
meeting between Carteret and 
Pelham, 329-330 

OEFOKD, First Earl of. SceWal- 
pole. Sir Robert 




Orford, Second Earl of. See Wal- 

pole, Horace 
Orleans, Doke of, Regent of France, 

31 ; his desire for an English 

alliance, id. ; death, 100 
Osnabriick, death of George I. at, 

Oxford, Earl of. Bee Harley 

PAEIS, Peace of, 362; opposed 
by Pitt, 8G8 

Pelham, Henry, jealous of Car- 
teret, 2.j8 ; becomes Prime 
Minister, 281 ; anxious to get 
rid of Carteret, 283 ; disliked 
by George II., 302 ; triumphs 
over Carteret, 305 ; supported 
by Pitt, 313-314; foUows Car- 
teret's measiu:es, 315 ; George 
II. disgusted mth, 317 ; resigns, 
319 ; returns to power, 321 
quarrels with his brother, 324 
miserable state of his ministry, 
327-328 ; private intendew with 
Carteret, 329-330 ; his dread of 
Carteret, 331 ; death, 333 

Pelham, Thomas HoUes. See 

Pepys, 3 ; friendship with Sir 
George Carteret, 7-8 ; his ac- 
coimt of Sir Philip Carteret's 
marriage, 8-10 

Peter the Great, 30 ; attacks 
Sweden, 36, 43-44; Carteret's 
Swedish policy towards, 49 ; 
refuses EngHeh mediation, 57 

Peterborough, Earl of, C8 

PhOipsburg, Siege of, 193, 196 

Pitt, T\'LUiam, member for Old 
SaiTun, 197 ; dismissed by Wal- 
pole, 179 ; attacks Walpole's 
Spanish policy, 217 ; attacks 
Carteret's Government, 259 ; 
violent Parhamentary invective 
against Carteret, 280. 288. 290, 
292, 314 ; his early poUtical 
career, 287 ; on Carteret, 244 ; 
joins the Pelhams against Car- 
teret, 303, 307 ; refused olfice 
Ijy the King, 308 ; and again, 
."17 ; calls Newcastle a liar, 
310; supports Newcastle's Go- 
vernment, 31.3- 315 ; his mcon- 


sistency, 315; joinsthe Pelhams' 
Government, 323 ; depressed by 
the King's dislike, 334 335 ; 
attacks the Government of 
which he is a member, 337 ; 
dismissed, 342 ; George 11. on, 
345 ; refuses to join Newcastle's 
Government, 347 ; wiU not act 
with Fox. 348 ; becomes Secre- 
tary of State in the Duke of 
Devonshire's Government, 349 ; 
ordered by George II. to resign, 
350 ; negotiates with Newcastle, 
351 ; becomes Secretary of 
State in Newcastle's Govern- 
ment, 353 ; on their harmo- 
nious Cabinet meetings, 354 ; 
opposed by George III. and 
Bute, 356 ; his negotiations 
approved by Carteret, 350 ; re- 
fiises Spanish mediation be- 
. tween England and France, 

357 ; proposes war with Spain, 

358 ; resigns, 359 ; Carteret's 
■view of, 360-361 ; accepts a 
pension, 3G2 ; opposes the Peace 
of Paris, 363 ; his tribute to 
Carteret, 391 

Polwarth, Lord, aj)pointed to 

Cambrai Congress, 78. See 

Pomfiret, Lady, in Florence. 375 ; 

warns Horace Walpole off, 376 ; 

Horace AValpole on, id. 
Pope, Alexander. 14. 20. 151 ; 

anecdote of Cai-teret and, 408- 

Porteous, Captain, execution of, 

Porteous Riots, 170-171 ; parlia- 

mentarv action regarding, 172- 

Porto-Bello, taken by Admu'al 

Vernon, 222 
Poyntz, Stephen, 153 
Prag, taken by the French, 245 ; 

siege of French in, 251 ; their 

escape from, 264 ; taken and 

abandoned by Frederick the 

Great, 301 
Pragmatic Sanction, I'.O. 149, 153, 

156-157, 191-192. 200, 223, 

Prior, Matthew, at Westminster 




School, 14 ; his acquaintance 
with Carteret, 17 

Protestant Succession, question of 

- the, 2-2-23 

Prynne, William, imprisoned in 
.Tersey, 2 ; befriended by the 
Carte'rets, 2-3 

Pulteney, WiUiam, educated at 
Westminster, 14 ; on European 
treaties, luG ; in \\'alpole's 
Government, 160; joins the 
opposition to Walpole, id. ; 
attacks Walpole's Spanish po- 
licy, 205-207 ; secedes from 
Parliament, 218 ; severe on 
Walpole, 221 ; accepts Wal- 
pole's parliamentary challenge. 
23() ; defeated by majority of 
three, 237 ; declines secret un- 
derstanding with Newcastle, 
23H ; conversation of George II. 
with, 289 ; proposed as Prime 
Minister, 240; joins the new 
Government, 241 ; upset bj'the 
crisis, 244 ; unpopularity of, 
257, 281 ; advises George II. 
against Pitt, 318 ; made Fii-st 
Lord of the Treasury, 319 ; sud- 
denly resigns, id. 

Pultowa, Battle of, 37 

' REVENGE,' fight of the, against 
the Spanish fleet, 11 

Eichmond, Didie of, his M8S. 
quoted, 317 

Eiot Act- passed, 20 

Eipperda, influence of, with the 
Queen of Spain, 148 ; his secret 
negotiations with Germany, 
148-149 ; hisplottings with the 
Stuart Pretender, 150 

Eobethon, Secretary of George I., 
26, 34 

Eobinson, Sir Thomas, ambas- 
sador at Vienna, attempts to 
reconcile Mai-ia Theresa with 
Frederick, 231 ; made Secretary 
of State and Leader of the 
House of Commons, 337 ; re- 
moved, 342 

SACHEVEEELL, Dr., his ser- 


mons, 19 ; prosecution of, -20 ; 
preaches before Parliament, 23 

St. John. See Bohngbroke 

Sandwich, Earl of, drowned, 10 

Sandys, Samuel, becomes Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, 241 

Saxe, Marshal, preparing to in- 
vade England, 295 ; gains the 
battle of Fontenoy, 316 

Sehaub, Sir Lulce, English am- 
bassador at Paris, 73, 78, 92 ; 
^Valpole's suspicion of, 92 ; up- 
holds Carteret's influence at 
Paris, 93 ; ^\'al2)ole's plot to 
remove, 94 ; plotted against by 
Horatio Walpole at Paris, 9s 
100 ; recalled, 100 

Schism Act, repeal of, 22 

Selwyn, George, 312, 367 

Septennial Act, passed, 27-28 

Settlement, Act of, 23 

Seven Years' War, opening of, 

Seville, Treaty of, 154 

Shelburne, Lord, on Smiderland, 
21-22 ; conversation with Pul- 
teney, -244 ; quotes Carteret's 
pohtical advice, 340 ; on the 
Prince of ^\'ales, 188 ; on Car- 
teret and Pitt as letter-writers, 
269 ; on the Go\ ernment during 
the Seven Years' War, 354 ; on 
Carteret's last illness, 865 ; on 
Carteret's parliamentary elo- 
quence, 386 ; on Carteret's taUs:, 
888 ; on Carteret's carelessness 
about money, 397 ; marries 
Carteret's daughter, 884 

Sheridan, Dr., his friendship with 
Swift and Carteret, 141 ; his 
absent-mmdedness, 142 

Sherlock, Bishop, 174, 176 

Shippen, William, 161 

Shrewsbury', Duke of, made Lord 
Treasurer, 25 

Silesia, mvaded by Frederick, 228; 
surrendered to him, 250 ; agam 
surrendered, 816 

Smollett, Tobias, 222 

Soissons, Congress of, 153 

Sophia Charlotte, First Queen of 
Prussia, 85 

Sophia Dorothea, Queen of Prus- 
sia, daughter of George I., de- 





sires a double marriage between 
England and Prussia, 83 ; 
visited by George I. at Berlin, 

Sophocles, Carteret's intimate 
knowledge of works of, 142 

South Sea Bubble, 65 

South Sea Company, its trade 
with America, 20'2. 214 

Southwold Bay, battle of, 10 

Spain, English dispute with, 202- 
220 ; war with, 220 ; Treaty of 
Aix-la-Chapelle with, 325 

Stair, Earl of, English ambassa- 
dor at Paris, 31 ; interview -with 
Queen Caroline, 165-166 ; on 
Walpole, 211 ; quoted, 226 ; 
negotiations of, at the Hague, 
248, 252 ; disgusted with the 
Dutch, 253 ; correspondence 
with Carteret, 261-202: marches 
into Germany, 203 : halts at 
Aschaffenberg, 205 ; resigns 
after battle of Dettingen. 270 : 
becomes commander of the 
home forces, 296 

Stanhope, General, Earl of, cap- 
tures Minorca, 22 ; character of, 
id. ; repeals Schism Act, id. ; 
his religious toleration, id. ; 
arranges treaty ■n-ith France, 
32; opposesWalpole and To^Mif- 
hend, 34, 36 ; appoints Carteret 
ambassador to Sweden, 30 ; 
death, 66 

Stanhope, Philip Dormer. See 

Stanhope, WiUiam. See Harring- 

Stanislaus Leczinski, 191 ; re- 
chosen King of Poland, 192 : 
flight from Warsaw. 193 

Steele, Richard, expelled from the 
House of Commons, 24 ; remark 
of Carteret on, 387-3^8 

Stella, Swift's Journal to, 17 

Sterne, Lawrence, at siege of 
Gibraltar, 151 

Sunderland, Lord, becomes Secre- 
tary of State, 18 ; dismiased, 
20-21 ; his passionate temper, 
21-22 ; Lord-Lieutenant of Ire- 
land, 29 : intrigues at Hanover 
against 'V\'alpole and Towns- 


hend, 33 ; resigns, 66 ; Car- 
teret's friendship for, 392 

Sundon, Lady, 183 

Sweden, joins Jacobites against 
England, 37 ; ruinous condition 
of, 40-41 ; yields Bremen and 
Verden to George L, 42; Car- 
teret's mission in, 40-61 

Swift, Dean, on Carteret's learn- 
ing, 16 ; early friendship with 
Carteret, 16-17 ; friendship with 
BoHngbroke, 20 ; his Public 
Spirit of the Tiliigs, 24 ; 
opposes Wood's patent, 104 ; 
attacks Wood's patent in the 
Drapier's Letters, 111 ; hopes 
for Carteret's help against the 
patent. 116; on Carteret, life; 
publishes the Drapier's fourth 
Letter, 117: proclamation 
against, 120; strange scene with 
Carteret, 120-121 ; manifestoes 
by, 123 ; on Enghsh govern- 
ment of Ireland, 130 : his Vin- 
dication of Lord Carteret, 132 ; 
correspondence with Carteret, 
133-137, 409-411; his friend- 
ship with Lady Carteret, 137- 
188 ; and with Lady Worsley, 
138-141 ; renewed friendship 
with Carteret in Ireland, 141- 
145 : on Walpole, 233 ; dedi- 
cates a poem to Carteret, 366 ; 
his friendship with Countess 
GranvUle, 367-368: on Lady 
Carteret's beauty. 371 ; story 
of, by Carteret, 389 : on Car- 
teret's scholarship, 401 

TATLOE, Dr. John, anecdote of, 
403 ; assisted by Caiteret. 404 

Temple. Earl, abused by Georce 
II., 345, 350; supports Pitt's 
desfre for war with Spain, 359 

Tennyson, quoted, 11 

Townsheud, Lord, 21. 29 ; dis- 
missed from the Government, 
36 ; retiurns to office, 66 ; in- 
trigues at Hanover against 
Carteret, 82. 87. 94-98; Car- 
teret's relations with, 102; 
Walpole's quarrel with, 159 : 
gives up political life, id. 




Trevor, Mr., ambassador at the 

Hague, 252 
Triennial Act, repealed, 27-28 
Tyrawley, Lord, English ambas- 
sador to Knssia, letters from 
and to Carteret, 381-382 


of Sweden, 39 ; desires peace 
with England, id. ; receives 
Carteret at Stockholm, 40 

VERDEN, acquired by George I., 
37 ; formally yielded by Sweden, 
51, 52 

Vernon, Admiral, takes Porto- 
Bello, 222 ; fails at Cartagena, 

Vienna, Treaty of, 149 ; second 
Treaty of, 156 ; third Treaty of, 

ViUars, Marshal, 193 

A'oltaire, anecdote of Swift by, 
130 ; at Cambrai during the 
Congress, 147 ; friendship with 
Lady Sundon in England, 
183 ; in England, 407 ; sends 
Carteret his Henriade, id. 

WADE, Marshal, commands Eng- 
lish troops in Flanders, 299 ; 
incapacity of, 300 

AValdegrave, Lord, on George II,, 
302 ; on Newcastle, 311 ; ne- 
gotiates between Newcastle and 
Fox, 338 ; quoted, 339 ; attempts 
to form a Government with 
Fox, 351 ; encouraged by Car- 
teret, 351 352 ; fails, 352 

Walpole, Dorothy, 159 

Walpole, Horace, 226 ; on Sir 
Robert AValpole, 234, 236 ; on 
Frederick the Great, 248 ; 
quoted, 255, 284 ; on battle of 
Dettingen, 270 ; supports Car- 
teret in Parliament, 291 ; on 
Newcastle, 305, 312 ; on Car- 
teret and the PeUiams, 307, 
330 ; on Carteret's three days' 
ministry, 320 ; describes Car- 
teret's negotiations between the 


King; Fox, and Newcastle, 345 ; 
anecdote of Carteret and Fox 
by, 346 ; his fancy for Lady 
Sophia Fermor, 3'76; his ac- 
count of Carteret's second mar- 
riage, 378- 381 ; and of Countess 
Granville's death, 384 ; on 
Carteret's parliamentary elo- 
quence, 386 

Walpole, Horatio, 32, 34, 35; 
appointed to intrigue against 
Carteret in Paris, 95 ; his am- 
biguous position there, 98 ; his 
final success, 100 ; at the 
Soissons Congress, 153 ; nego- 
tiates at the Hague, 196 

Walpole, Sir Robert, becomes 
Secretary at War, 19 ; one of 
the Whig leaders, 21 ; on Sun- 
derland's temper, 22 ; Sunder- 
land's intrigues against, 33, 35 ; 
resigns, 36; returns to power, 
G6 ; his dread of able colleagues, 
67 ; his character and parlia- 
mentary aims, 80-81 ; his 
jealousy of Carteret, 81 ; in- 
trigues against him, 82 ; secures 
his dismissal, 100 ; irritated 
by Grafton's conduct in Ire- 
land, 106-108 ; upholds Wood's 
patent, id. ; reduces its amount, 
110 ; wishes Carteret to go to 
Ireland, 114 ; forced to sur- 
render the patent, 128 ; mediates 
between Charles VI. and Spain, 
155 ; disliked by George II., 
157 ; brief loss of power, 158 ; 
determination to get rid of Car- 
teret, 162-163 ; his Excise 
scheme, 165 ; its failure, 167 ; 
will never work with Carteret, 
182-183 ; his falsehood about 
Carteret, 187-188; his foreign 
policy, 190, 196 ; refuses to help 
the Emperor, 199 ; mediates 
for him, 200 ; his Spanish pohcy, 
205, 207 ; its failure, 209 ; de- 
clares war rather than resign, 
220 ; increasing opposition to, 
221, 223 ; his apparent parlia- 
mentary success, 227 ; unpo- 
pular in the comitry, 233-234 ; 
his parliamentary challenge to 
Pulteney, 236 ; end of his par- 



liamentary majority, id. ; re- 
signs, 237 ; becomes Earl of 
Orford, id. ; alarmed for his 
personal safety, 239 ; negotiate 3 
with Carteret and Pultenej', 
240 ; on the battle of Dettingen, 
270; encourages the Pelhams 
against Carteret, 261-283 ; sup- 
ports Carteret's policy regarding 
Hanoverian troops, 291 ; ad- 
vises George II. to dismiss 
Carteret, 305 ; on Newcastle, 310 

Walpoliana, anecdote from, Bn,n. 

Washington, George, his first 
historical appearance, 338 

Westminster School, famous 
scholars of, 14 

Weymouth, Viscount, marries 
Lady Louisa Carteret, 571 

Wharton, Duke of, 24 

Whitworth, English ambassador 
at Berlin, 54 ; appointed to 
Cambrai Congress, 78 

WUles, Lord Chief Justice, anec- 
dote of Carteret by, 396 

WiUiams, Sir C. H., on Pulteney, 
257, n. 


Wilmington, Lord, brief power 
of, 158, 161; Prime ilinister, 
240 ; death, 280 

Wood, his coinage patent, 104 ; 
abused by Swift, id. ; his patent 
much reduced, 110 ; and finally 
canceDed, 128 

^S'orms, Treaty of, 279 

Worsley, Lady, her intimacy with 
Swift, 137 ; correspondence 
with Swift, 138-141 ; verse of 
Pope on, 370 

Wusterhausen, Treaty of, 152 

Wyndham, Sir WiUiam, leads the 
Hanoverian Tories.161 : secedes 
from Parliament, 218 ; on Wal- 
pole's Spanish policy. 221 

YAEMOUTH, Countess of,255.».: 
on Xewcastle, 310 

Tester, seat of Marquis of Tweed- 
dale, 374 

Yorke, Hon. Philip, his Parlia- 
mentary Journal, 285, n.: on 
Pitt, 287 : on Carteret, 280